Research

Dissertation

My dissertation, Krinostic Injustice, identifies a new type of epistemic injustice in which a hearer does not question a speaker’s account of a sequence of basic events but calls into question that speaker’s characterization of their experience. Krinostic injustice wrongs an agent in their capacity as a competent judge of their experience (in Ancient Greek, the verb κρῑ́νω means “to decide” or “to judge”). I argue that this form of epistemic injustice manifests in sexual assault trials, while keeping in mind its application to other contexts.

Publications

Jürgen Habermas, “How is legitimacy made possible via legality?”, trans. Linh Mac, Revus [Online first], 50 | 2023. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/revus.9668 (German to English Translation)

Work-In-Progress*


“Self-deception, General Rules, and the Impartial Spectator”


The phenomenon of self-deception is widespread. We tend to believe things we want to be true rather than things that we know are true based on an impartial examination of the evidence we possess. Contemporary discussions of self-deception usually examine the phenomenon in terms of epistemology, philosophy of mind, and philosophical psychology. In contrast, historical accounts of the phenomenon typically tended to focus on the morality of self-deception. Adam Smith, for example, is important because he not only focuses on the morality of self-deception but also on the mechanisms behind it as well as on finding a possible remedy for it.

This paper explores the efficacy of Smith’s device of the “impartial spectator” as a solution to the problem of self-deception. Drawing from Alfred Mele’s work, I first offer a general account of self-deception. I then home in on self-deception about one’s own character as discussed by Smith. I rely on and modify an example from Iris Murdoch in which a mother-in-law projects her own issues onto her misjudgment of her daughter-in-law but does not initially realize it. I juxtapose Smith’s device of the “impartial spectator” with Mele’s “impartial observer test,” both of which I take to be potential solutions to the problem of self-deception. 

I argue that the impartial spectator is best construed as a way of representing one’s ability for self-criticism and criticism of others that is relatively independent of the judgments of actual spectators in one’s own society. Moreover, adopting the perspective of the “impartial spectator” does not amount to adopting “the view from nowhere” that is not attached to any particular observer. Neither is it about completely getting rid of one’s biases. Rather, it is about being aware of how one’s motivations, desires, and emotions might prejudice one’s perceptions and judgments and attempting to mitigate their influence.


“A Critique of Arthur Ripstein’s Account of Kant’s Position on the Right to Revolution”


In Force and Freedom, Arthur Ripstein argues that Kant rejects the right to revolution but allows the overthrowing of barbarous regimes like Nazi Germany. Since Hitler’s regime is a condition of barbaric violence without laws, creating a state out of this condition is not revolution; it is merely the creation of a state where there was none. In this paper, I argue that Ripstein’s argument is unfaithful to Kant’s own account, which leaves open the question of whether there is “a right to revolt” against barbarous regimes such as Nazi Germany or as Ripstein puts it, a right to create a state where there was none. I argue that Ripstein’s response to this question is indefensible. The distinction between barbarism and despotism—when applied to the case of Nazi Germany—appears not to be a categorial distinction but a distinction in terms of degree, and for this reason, fails to demonstrate why Nazi laws should not be counted as laws. Even if Ripstein responds to this objection by discrediting the validity of Nazi Germany’s legal system as a whole by appealing to Lon Fuller’s “internal morality of law,” he would still not succeed. In the positive thesis, I sketch out what a Kantian response to the problem of Nazism might look like. I suggest that a Kantian response would entail an ethical duty on the part of citizens to resist immoral laws.


* Papers currently out for review are not listed here.

Invited and Peer-reviewed Contribution

Commentary on Jürgen Habermas, “How is legitimacy made possible via legality?”, trans. Linh Mac, Revus [Online first], 50 | 2023. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/revus.9668 (forthcoming)


Commentary on Matthew Congdon's Moral Articulation (OUP 2023), Syndicate Philosophy (forthcoming)