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In addition, there are counties outside of the Washington Metropolitan Area that under more broad definitions are referred to as being part of Northern Virginia. The University of Virginia Weldon Cooper Center for Public Service categorizes King George County as part of Northern Virginia, though the county was removed from the Washington Metropolitan Area in 2003.[34] King George County and Orange County also include areas, such as Lake of the Woods, where the cross-commuting interchange with the Washington Metropolitan Area is high enough to merit inclusion in the Metropolitan Area,[35] although more far-flung parts of these counties still cause the county-wide commuter interchange to fall below the threshold for inclusion in the Washington Metropolitan Area or Washington-Baltimore Combined Statistical Area. The demographic figures above do not include population counts for these two counties.

The region is known in Virginia and the Washington, D.C., area for its relative affluence. Stafford, one of the core counties in Northern Virginia, is one of the seven counties in America where black households make more than white households. Stafford County actually topped the list with African-Americans in Stafford County making the highest amount on the list.[39] Of the large cities or counties in the nation that have a median household income in excess of $100,000, the top two are in Northern Virginia, and these counties have over half of the region's population.[40] However, considering that Northern Virginia has one of the highest costs of living in the nation, the actual purchasing power of these households is considerably less than in other less "affluent" areas.[41] According to Nielsen Claritas, Loudoun County and Arlington County have the highest concentration of 25- to 34-year-olds with incomes of $100,000+ in the nation.[42][43]

The period following World War II saw substantial growth of Virginia's suburban areas, notably in the regions of Northern Virginia, Richmond, and Hampton Roads. The population became more diverse. People of the emerging middle class were increasingly less willing to accept the rural focus of the General Assembly, nor Byrd's extreme positions on public debt and social issues. The latter was nowhere more graphically illustrated than with Byrd's violent opposition to racial integration of the state's public schools. His leadership in the failed policy of Massive Resistance to racial desegregation of the public schools and efforts to circumvent related rulings of the United States Supreme Court ultimately caused closure of some public schools in the state and alienated many middle-class voters. The Byrd Organization had never been strong in Virginia's independent cities, and beginning in the 1960s, city and suburban factions increasingly supported efforts to make broad changes in Virginia. In this climate, the Republican Party of Virginia began making inroads.

Democrat Jim Webb defeated incumbent Senator George Allen by the slim margin of 49.6 to 49.2 percent in 2006.[83] However, that margin increased to 58.1 to 40.7 percent in favor of the Democratic challenger in the counties and cities of Northern Virginia, whereas Webb ran behind Allen somewhat, 46.1 to 52.7 percent, in the remainder of the commonwealth. Webb carried Fairfax County, Prince William County, and Loudoun County, as well as the more urban areas of Arlington, Alexandria, and Falls Church. Allen's sole wins in Northern Virginia were the cities of Manassas and Manassas Park, winning the latter two only by the narrow margins of 3.54 and 2.38 percent, respectively.

Two major regional bottlenecks, the Springfield Interchange and Woodrow Wilson Bridge, were massively reconstructed with completion in 2007 and 2008. Generally, Potomac River crossings remain major choke points; proposals to add crossings (such as near Leesburg or Quantico as part of a long-proposed Outer Beltway) are opposed by Virginia communities near the suggested bridge sites, and by Marylanders who fear that new bridges would bring new housing development to green space in that state such as Poolesville.[citation needed] Because of Northern Virginia's high housing costs, tens of thousands of employees there choose more affordable housing far away in outer Virginia exurban counties, or in Prince George's County and Southern Maryland, thus creating tremendous traffic congestion on the Potomac bridges. This situation is much like metropolitan areas of California. Furthermore, Fairfax County localities such as Great Falls, Dranesville, and Clifton impose low-density, large-acreage residential zoning, which forces developers to leapfrog into Loudoun and Prince William counties to build housing, thus increasing commuters' driving distances. In recent years, developers have continued to develop in Loudoun County but have filled Prince William County. Therefore, many developers have been moving south to Stafford County where local government has been more receptive to developments.

Functional strength training and physical conditioning is another area where NOVA wrestlers receive instruction. We offer supervised access to pull-up bars, climbing ropes, throwing dummies, crash pads, kettlebells and Suples training systems, among other equipment.

Ikawa House is determined to increase awareness of the smallholders and the next generation of coffee people about the specialty coffee supply chain to help them elevate their own well-being and economic security. They have an education center in Kigali where they teach and train the youth in coffee growing, sensory analysis and trade according to their own curriculum.

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Dr. Burkholder is the principal investigator for the Broward County Sea Turtle Conservation Program and a research scientist with the NSU Guy Harvey Research Institute and Save Our Seas Foundation Shark Research Center. He also serves as director of the NSU Marine Environmental Education Center, where he enjoys working with students and the community to promote understanding of sea turtles and our coastal marine ecosystems.

It turns out: I cannot get it to work either,3 and I do prefer Kaleidoscope to bbdiff overall, but there are some really smart and helpful features to bbdiff that mean I am likely to use it in certain very specific scenarios where it actually beats out Kaleidoscope. Most notable among those: it makes it easy to diff and merge at a level more granular than lines: it provides word-by-word/token-by-token breakdowns. For an example of the kind of change I mean, consider this change to some Rust code:

That leaves me in the interesting spot where I am going to be a happy user BBEdit, but not (yet, at least) a paying one! If at some point my usage pattern shifts, I will happily pay for it, because it is a great tool. Indeed, I may at some point pay for it just because it is a great tool and I like supporting the developers of good tools. For the moment, though, I think BBEdit in Free Mode is going to be all I need!

I just bought Nova. I think that tells you the status of this experiment. Since I have been using it as my go-to editor/IDE for Rust, TypeScript, etc. for the past three weeks, I have hit the point where I actively want not to open VS Code. I do not miss it. As described above, I have a handful of small things I miss (and might contribute to the ecosystem), and I will have some work to do to make it viable as my editor for the mammoth repo I mostly work on for my daily work (rather than personal work), but I call this part of the experiment a smashing success. 17dc91bb1f