The departure of multinational firms like GSK, coupled with inflation, has driven prices skyward, rendering essential medications unaffordable. As a result, patients are turning to alternative treatments.
"If the drug to manage that is not handy when someone has an acute attack, it leads to loss of life," Orji said. "As one asthma is finishing attack, another one is starting and that is why affordability of those drugs is very important. Good example, Ventolin inhaler is a standard drug people buy, now Ventolin inhaler is not even in the market."
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"One area the government can do something is to increase the public education and community engagement to create comprehensive awareness of what to avoid if you are an asthmatic, what to do to prevent yourself getting into trouble and when you are having an attack, what to do immediately," Orji said.
Judge Nancy Maldonado of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Illinois in Chicago said the decision of a lower federal magistrate judge to release the documents was correct. She set a deadline of Monday, Oct. 2, to turn over the documents. Depositions with CSU officials must be done by Oct. 3.
The Democracy, Conflict, and Governance Program is a leading source of independent policy research, writing, and outreach on global democracy, conflict, and governance. It analyzes and seeks to improve international efforts to reduce democratic backsliding, mitigate conflict and violence, overcome political polarization, promote gender equality, and advance pro-democratic uses of new technologies.
Tinubu and Atiku are old friends turned rivals whose political careers closely intertwine. Both men leveraged mysterious wealth to gain high office, build successful businesses, and cultivate national political networks.
Third, they should do more to prevent top Nigerian officials from using unexplained wealth to buy high-end property, get privileged medical treatment, and pay for expensive private schools. Constraining such damaging outflows would be an easy win.
The Obi candidacy also seemed to promise a way out of the north-south divide that has so dominated Nigerian politics in the era since the dictatorship of Sani Abacha, a general who ruled harshly for nearly five years until his death in 1998. Albeit without perfect regularity, politics in the two-party system of the post-Abacha era has roughly worked on the basis of turn-taking between north and south, which has done more to ensure a rotating spot at the public feeding trough for elites from the dominant ethnic clusters concerned than it has to mobilize the country for the kind of effective development agenda Nigeria desperately needs. That is because Obi is a member of the Igbo, the large southeastern ethnic group that has been largely left out of this informal system of trading places at the summit of Nigerian politics.
As governor of Lagos, a famously unruly city with woeful public services, from 1999 to 2007, Tinubu showed considerable dynamism. The organizing principle of his rule was that for the city to function better, a new social compact was required. The same could certainly be said of Nigeria as a whole today. Its basis for Lagos was simple enough: Under Tinubu, the enormous numbers of people who shirked paying their taxes were made to understand that henceforth they would have to do so. In return, though, the state would begin to do something quite novel: It would begin to improve public services in ways that would achieve public buy-in, because they would be fundamental, constant, and visible.
Getting all Nigerians to buy into a civic compact like this and delivering on the far larger and more complex stage of a struggling and fractious nation is a challenge of a different magnitude than even running giant Lagos, and because of the woeful nature of the current political system Tinubu will not start off with high levels of trust in him. This brings me to the lower fruit. Nigerians badly lack reasons to have faith in those who govern them, and Tinubu should start there, by vowing to make his election the last to suffer from violence, major organizational deficiencies, vote-buying practices, and doubts about voter registration and counting.
Howard W. French is a columnist at Foreign Policy, a professor at the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism, and a longtime foreign correspondent. His latest book is Born in Blackness: Africa, Africans and the Making of the Modern World, 1471 to the Second World War. Twitter: @hofrench
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At the end of their survey, the researchers established that gorillas were indeed present. They estimated that there were around 150 of the great apes in Nigeria. And these gorillas were under threat.
By the time Prince Philip visited, plans to develop a national park were in the works. Cross River National Park was established in 1991, with two non-contiguous divisions, Oban and Okwangwo, spanning a combined area of about 4,000 square kilometers (1,545 square miles).
In 2000, the Afi Mountain Wildlife Sanctuary was set up to protect gorillas and other endangered species. In between the sanctuary and the Okwango division of Cross River National Park lie the Mbe Mountains, a tract of roughly 85 square kilometers (33 square miles).
CAMM has three organs: a general assembly, a management committee, and a board of trustees. In addition, an advisory body with experts from organizations like WCS and the Cross River State Forestry Commission offers support.
In the Boki region of Cross River state, people depend heavily on the forest for their livelihoods. Most are farmers, but some also hunt to earn money. Local restaurants rely on a steady supply of bushmeat.
WCS, which continued to provide support for CAMM, sensed that threat. Since 2006, it has recruited ex-hunters from the nine surrounding communities to serve as eco-guards. They have grown in number now, with 14, including Osang, conducting daily anti-poaching and gorilla-monitoring patrols.
The conservation NGO provides stipends, field equipment and training for the eco-guards, who also fend off threats from farmers, hunters and loggers, and protect the forest against unsustainable harvesting of non-timber forest products such as medicinal plants like the eru or afang vine, and bush mangoes.
Armed with rugged handheld computers running CyberTracker software that automatically records a GPS waypoint for every observation, the eco-guards patrol the Mbe Mountains to record signs of wildlife and human activity and to ward off threats from hunters. When they find hunters in the forests, the guards apprehend them, confiscate their weapons and attempt to find and destroy their camps.
In one patrol in mid-November observed by Mongabay, a team of seven eco-guards and Mbe Mountains project manager Jonathan Eban meandered through the dense forest, cutting through narrow footpaths, climbing fallen trees, and ducking under overhanging branches and caves.
They report such illegal activities to CAMM. In the past, an apprehended hunter would be reported to his community, but the eco-guards realized that communities pitied their own sons and rarely meted out severe punishment. Now, offenders are reported to the general assembly of CAMM.
He says that when a hunter is reported, the association imposes sanctions or, in some cases, hands the offender over to the police. The hunter is fined the equivalent of $32 for just entering the protected area. Last year, Tawo says, CAMM fined a hunter $163 and three crates of beer for hunting drill monkeys. In 2014, the association worked with WCS to file a case against a hunter who killed a chimpanzee. The hunter was handed a two-year jail term.
While the disagreement raged, youths from Kanyang harassed eco-guards and threatened to destroy their base camp. With no patrols in the Kanyang area, hunters had unimpeded access to that part of the forest.
Imong is often present in their meetings and has been helping resolve disputes for more than a decade. With his help, Kanyang was persuaded to return to CAMM in October 2018, and attended the general meeting of all nine communities at the yet-to-be-completed secretariat in late December last year.
Most of the Mbe eco-guards are ex-hunters who use their skills and excellent knowledge of the forest to facilitate law enforcement patrols. But these ex-hunters are not always fully reformed, despite training provided by CAMM.
In 2008, WCS began to work with CAMM to introduce livelihood programs that offered training in beekeeping and rearing African giant snails. The NGO also started helping cocoa farmers with improved seed varieties, supporting households to rear goats, and helping women to generate more income from non-timber forest products.
WCS also runs conservation clubs in schools across the Cross River gorilla landscape, broadcasts a conservation radio show, organizes regular film screenings in more than 50 communities, and is working with researchers at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Germany and North Carolina Zoo to gain a more accurate estimate of the population of Cross River gorillas. Hundreds of samples of gorilla dung have been collected and sent to Germany for DNA analysis.
In their December 2018 general meeting, the communities stressed the need to get legal recognition for the protected area, including its designation as a community wildlife sanctuary by the state authorities, with a certificate of occupancy. 152ee80cbc
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