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The goal here is to identify the characteristics that are at the core of tango, the sine qua non of tango argentino. For foreigners, the characteristics of dance identified as tango that often attract attention are the dramatic poses and conspicuous movements associated with tango exhibitions. One need only open the pages of El Tangauta to find countless advertisements of tango instruction where these features are displayed. One could legitimately state that these are features of tango for the stage, but what they are not are features of tango de salon, the tango of the milongas.

Tango is a walking dance. The tango walk brushes the floor, neither rising high above it nor weighing heavily into it. The tango walk is relaxed yet it contains an expressive energy; it is smooth, not rough, yet it is not constant, instead it varies with the pulse of the music. It is elegant in its clearly defined lines and collection of weight into a point.

The tango walk is improvised. There is progression in the line of dance, walking. When floor density limits linear progression, there is walking in a circular pattern. This walking is neither spectacular nor dramatic. The pace of the walking is connected to the rhythmic and melodic structure of the music. The sequence of tango walking movements is variable, dependent upon available space, the music and partner connection at the moment.

Thus, tango is a man embracing a woman and walking in a elegant manner that is not predetermined, yet is connected to tango music. The music defines it as tango, and the embrace is unique to tango. Walking is not unique to tango, but the manner of walking is.

Structure the dance around movements that thrust the feet into the air or break the continuity of the walking movements, whether linear or circular, and the dance enters into the realm of choreography, and is no longer the improvised walking tango of the milongas of Buenos Aires.

Again, you wrote that tango is a feeling that is danced, and that the execution of movements of any kind to music that is not tango divorces the dance from the source of energy that drives it. Much music has impassioned me to remember, embrace, and dance tango. A smell; a taste; a sound can all remind us of home when we are away. Why would tango be different.

I could not have said it better. Dancing to music other than tango is, well, dancing to other music. You cannot say you are dancing tango without the music. What you say about the embrace, the low feet, the feeling are all true, but without the music you simply do not have tango.

Some accounts (Trio Garufa; Wondersmith) have claimed that men danced tango with prostitutes; others (Pura Aventura; History of Tango) have stated that men danced with men inside the brothels with musicians playing tango music, while waiting for prostitutes to provide services; some reports (PBS) have stated that both conditions existed.

In some cases the argument of the association of tango with prostitution has been supported by stating that the dance movements of the early tango were aggressive and sexual in nature, resembling the subjugation of prostitutes by their pimps (Flodance; Pura Aventura; PBS) or competition between men to obtain sexual favors from women (Pura Aventura). Some reports have asserted that the origin of tango in the brothels is implicated by noting that the titles of early instrumental tangos contained sexual innuendos (Pura Aventura; Brisbane House of Tango) and that the lyrics of early tangos often dealt with prostitution (Mente Argentina).

The proliferation of statements such as these has led to the belief in the general public, as well as among many tango dancers, that tango originated in houses of prostitution in Buenos Aires in the late 19th century.

According to Lamas & Binda (p 46), it is not clear how dancers danced in the dance halls (casas de baile, academias, peringundines, cafes) of Buenos Aires in the mid-19th century. However, it is believed that numerous dances, including polka, mazurka, habanera and schottische were integrated into the repertoire of dances in these dance establishments (Baim: p 43; Benzecry Sab: p 38). Benzecry Sab also claims (p 38) that by the 1860s a primitive form of tango was probably danced in the academias; some steps characteristic of later dancing identified as tango (e.g., corte, quebrada, media vuelta, forward ocho) were already apparent by this time. With regard to the historical date of appearance of tango dancing, Benzecry Sab states (p 35)

This hypothesis proposes that the association of prostitution with tango dancing was, at most, incidental, the consequence of both activities being present in the encompassing sociocultural environment, but being associated no more than would be expected by chance.

Therefore, hypotheses (1a-c) in order form a descending ladder of the association of prostitution with tango dancing, from the most affirmative proposing the origin of tango in locales whose primary activity was sexual commerce to a random association.

Numerous investigations of the association of tango dancing with prostitution and other social environments have been conducted in recent decades, and these provide some evidence in favor of and in contradiction to the hypothesis of the brothel origin of tango dancing versus the primary alternative hypothesis offered, that of the origin of tango dancing in the conventillos of poorer barrios in Buenos Aires.

The scope of the investigations selected for study all address the issue of the association of tango social dancing with prostitution in late 19th century Buenos Aires, as well as other environments in which tango social dancing occurred during this time period. All of the studies selected identify their sources of information in the text, i.e., not exclusively in a list in a bibliography.

The claims of several of these investigations with regard to tango social dancing, houses of prostitution, and other environments in which tango social dancing reputedly occurred are reported here. The quality of the evidence and therefore the validity of the derived conclusions will be evaluated later in this post. A differentiation is made between assertions of the origins of tango dancing in houses of prostitution from statements of the appearance of tango dancing in this environment without claims of its origin therein. In addition, the degree of certainty expressed by investigators with regard to the occurrence of events and their association is emphasized, as indicated in bold type in quotes from these studies. Any stated interpretations made by these investigators should not be considered to represent the views of the author of this blog until final conclusions are stated at the end of this post.

In agreement with Borges, Gonzales & Yanes emphasize (pp 28-31) that the lyrics of late 19th century tangos confirm its association with primitive and illicit sexual passions, i.e., with prostitution.

Although Collier emphasizes the importance of brothels in the propagation of tango dancing, he makes no specific claim as to whether or not the milonga-tango dance originated outside the brothels before its entry therein or only evolved into that distinct form within the alleged clandestine brothels (i.e., academias and peringundines). Nevertheless, he attributes an important role to the brothels in the spread of this early tango to higher social classes:

According to Labraa & Sebastian, the tango dance evolved as an adaptation of the habanera dance by young blacks, whites, and mulattos, who borrowed movements from the dances of the black barrios (p 33):

Although Lamas & Binda deny the existence of evidence that tango dancing occurred in houses of prostitution, and that academias were clandestine brothels, they do make some concessions to the possibility that there may have been some association of dancing of some kind with sexual commerce in late 19th century Buenos Aires. They recognize that some academias were located in neighborhoods with brothels (p 28); in some cases it was difficult to determine if an establishment was an academia or a brothel (p 41):

Specifically regarding the origin of tango dancing, Lamas & Binda argue that if tango was danced in the academias it was because it was one of the popular dances at the time, not proof that it originated there; like the other dances, it would have originated elsewhere previously (p 289):

Lamas & Binda argue that prior to an appearance in the peringundines [apparently in the 1880s (pp 42-44)], tango dancing had already made its appearance in the theatre (pp 98-99), and in street dances and carnivals (p 103). 0852c4b9a8

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