Comparison of Lujiazui between 1980s and 2000.
Image Source: Wang, 2003 as sourced by Xue, Zhai and Mitchenere, 2011After the Communist and Cultural Revolutions of China in 1949, most infrastructure and expansion plans were focused on the western, Puxi (浦西) side of the Huangpu River. After the Chinese Cultural Revolution, China cut ties with most Western nations and went through several periods of economic hardship (Clark and Moonen, 2017). It was not until the development of Pudong over the past thirty years did this see an improvement (Xue, Zhai and Mitchenere, 2011). Shanghai was looking to reshape itself and a new CBD would be the first step in transforming Pudong into an economic super-centre. Lujiazui was chosen for numerous reasons including its location as being nearest to the traditional centre of Shanghai.
It wasn’t until Deng Xiaoping’s ‘reform and opening-up policy’ (Gaige Kaifang改革开放) that previously adopted Soviet socialist planning and aesthetic practices were transformed into more global perspectives (Xue, Zhai and Mitchenere, 2011). The focus shifted on to building quality and how these structures can impact on the daily lives of people in the city. These new buildings were to act as a symbol of Chinese sovereignty and was done in direct opposition to foreign concessions. The people were looking to establish a new version of Shanghai to separate itself from its imperial past. .
The ‘new Shanghai’ was to be beating heart of the financial system in China and its aims were to surpass foreign settlements in both amenities and location (Rowe, 2011 as cited by Day, 2015). Serious development and planning of Lujiazui started around the late 1980s and wasn’t announced publicly until April 1990 (Xue, Zhai and Mitchenere, 2011). China looked to foreign advisers for ideas and assistance in creating and designing the new CBD.
Once plans were approved, development of the Lujiazui area was rapid which attracted much interest from foreign investors. Lujiazui was constructed around developing ideas of international influence and this has directly shaped how it was urbanised. What used to be farmland and warehouses was transformed into one of the most iconic skylines in the world with some of the tallest and most recognisable buildings in China. Lujiazui is a crucial part of the Shanghai metropolitan areas and is thus tightly linked to international networks throughout the process of its growth and development.
View of Lujiazui from the Bund, 2018
Image source: Daniel Bernt Jensen, 2018Shanghai Lujiazui Urban Design International Competition
Image source: Wang, 2003 as sourced by Xue, Zhai and Mitchenere, 2011In 1992 the Prepartory Commitee of Pudong New District held an international urban design competition and architects from around the world were invited to participate (Xue, Zhai and Mitchenere, 2011).
When looking at the physical form of the Pudong development area, design ideas were closely linked to the current economic and political climate. Modern China was having a positive reaction to the impacts of globalisation and were more open to including Western ideas into development proposals. These ideas were completely new to China and were unique to the Pudong planning process (Xue, Zhai and Mitchenere, 2011).
(Above) Rogers’ Proposal of Lujiazui Development.
(Left) Model of Rogers’ Proposal
Image Source: Rogers Stirk Harbour and Partners as cited by Xue, Zhai & Mitchenere, 2011Image carousel shows designs by (in order) Massimiliano Fuksas (Italy), Dominique Perrault (France) and Toyo Ito (Japan).
Image source: Xue, Zhai and Mitchenere, 2011However, the final design was by Shanghainese planner, Shanghai Urban Planning Design Institute (SUPDI) as their plan best integrated the existing structures and city fabric into the new design. This design was roughly based on a grid city system and combined ancient philosophies for new city creation such as a symbolic axis within set of homogenous blocks (Xue, Zhai and Mitchenere, 2011).
SUPDI Proposal Model.
Image Source: SPUDI as cited by Xue, Zhai & Mitchenere, 2011SUPDI proposal after central park modification.
Image Source: SPUDI as cited by Xue, Zhai & Mitchenere, 2011According to Shanghai Premier Li Peng (1990), the development of Pudong and Lujiazui would be the nation’s re-emergence and a symbol that would over-shadow the Bund’s colonial legacy and as a physical example of China’s new status as a global economic superpower (Day, 2015). One way to do this is brandscape theory which explores how global influences on design and symbolism are used in urban environments, how they are relevant to localisation narratives and how the transition from industrial to service industries can change not only the operation but also the planning and aesthetics of the city (Day, 2015). The way this was chosen to be done was through the Oriental Pearl TV Tower and the 3 landmark adjacent skyscrapers; Jin Mao Tower, Shanghai Tower and the Shanghai World Financial Centre.
Daytime view of the three adjacent skyscrapers: The Jin Mao Tower, Shanghai Tower and the Shanghai World Financial Centre, 2018
Image source: Daniel Bernt Jensen, 2018Nighttime view of the three adjacent skyscrapers: The Jin Mao Tower, Shanghai Tower and the Shanghai World Financial Centre, 2016
Image source: By Author, 2016Check out this timelapse video for the construction of the Shanghai Tower, the tallest in Shanghai.
References
Title Image: Postcard by Sanshengyouxin, 2016, available from 3SYX_studios@sina.com
Clark, G and Moonen, T. (2017). "Shanghai: Pragmatism in pursuit of global leadership." World cities and Nation States.
Day, K. (2015) Fengshui as a narrative of localisation: Case studies of contemporary architecture in Hong Kong and Shanghai.
Xue, C., et al. (2011). Shaping Lujiazui: The Formation and Building of the CBD in Pudong, Shanghai