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A number of well-known factors have paved the way for insurgents. Digital technology, contract manufacturing and a ready pool of venture capital have lowered the barriers to entry. Consumer expectations for tailored and specific offerings have increased. Meanwhile, the proliferation of channels, especially online, opens access to consumers outside the bounds of traditional retail.

Offer a compelling consumer proposition backed by an authentic brand story. Insurgents are competing for the same consumers as established brands. What sets them apart is a compelling offer that addresses a real, unmet consumer need. Our research indicates that consumers rank insurgent brands more highly than incumbent brands on many aspects of brand value, as defined by our Elements of ValueSM approach. The most meaningful differences in which insurgents outperform are on emotional and life-changing benefits.

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Finally, these high-growth brands have an insurgent mindset. Employees throughout the entire organization behave as though they own the business, and they have a conviction that they can redefine a category and solve a real consumer need.

So how can large consumer products companies respond? Incumbents can take three critical steps to rejuvenate their brands and access new sources of growth: Redefine the benefits of scale; regain an insurgent mindset; and become the acquirer of choice for insurgent brands.

Become the acquirer of choice for insurgent brands. Insurgent brands are here to stay, and incumbents have no option but to participate in order to access growth. Unfortunately, large consumer goods companies do not have a strong record for launching new brands that can compete head-to-head against insurgents. In fact, our study of dynamic brands that have achieved annual revenue greater than $25 million and outpaced their category growth rates by more than 10 times over the past five years found that big companies incubated less than 1% of these insurgents.

Incumbents have a higher chance of success by pursuing repeatable M&A, provided they are clear on their strategy and integrate thoughtfully. There are different ways to get into the M&A game, including buying scale insurgents or taking a venture capital approach. Regardless of the path, there needs to be a clear competitive advantage that positions the company as the acquirer of choice. For example, consumer goods companies with unique assets, such as chilled logistics networks or large consumer data sets, can offer clear scale advantages, while companies with a repeatable international expansion approach can target local brands looking for global expansion.

While it is too early to call successes, some major consumer goods companies are showing signs of getting insurgent acquisitions right. Anheuser-Busch InBev, for example, has repeatedly been able to accelerate the growth of craft brands such as Goose Island, Elysian and Blue Point following their acquisitions.

Insurgents belonging to non-state armed groups are not entitled by law to the status and privileges of combatants. This status can, however, be granted on an ad hoc basis by way of special agreement between the parties to the conflict, if insurgents meet the requirements established by international humanitarian law in defining organized armed forces under responsible command. National liberation movements can also claim the right and status of combatant and privileges of international humanitarian law applicable to international armed conflicts if they commit to applying the relevant Conventions and Protocols by way of unilateral declaration (API Art. 96.3).

The author proposes a theoretical orientation for cultural competency that reorganizes common curricular responses to the study of culture in medical education. What has come to be known in medical education as cultural competency is theoretically truncated and may actually work against what educators hope to achieve. Using Giroux's concept of insurgent multiculturalism, she suggests that the critical study of culture might be a bridge to certain aspects of professional development. Insurgent multiculturalism moves inquiry away from a focus on nondominant groups to a study of how unequal distributions of power allow some groups but not others to acquire and keep resources, including the rituals, policies, attitudes, and protocols of medical institutions. This approach includes not only the doctor-patient relationship but also the social causes of inequalities and dominance. Linked to professional development efforts, insurgent multiculturalism can provide students with more opportunities to look at their biases, challenge their assumptions, know people beyond labels, confront the effects of power and privilege, and develop a far greater capacity for compassion and respect.

Insurgent groups consist of individuals willing to organize and commit acts of terror to achieve their goals. By nature, they depend on public support, yet they sometimes target private civilians in addition to military personnel and government officials. This book examines insurgent embeddedness--the extent to which an insurgent group is enmeshed in relationships with the state, other insurgents, and the public--in order to understand why they attack civilians.

Even as the first barricades were going up, a frantic search for arms began. Some rebels had to be content with sabers, staffs, or scythes, but rifles were the weapons of choice, and bands of insurgents boldly seized them from small patrols of soldiers encountered in the streets. Others joined in pillaging the premises of Lepage frres, the largest of the several Paris gunsmiths whose establishments were looted. (Figure 25 on p. 000 shows the same establishment being attacked during the revolution of 1830.)9 Still others assaulted a Municipal Guard post in the place de la Bastille, a barracks near the Jardin des Plantes, and a lightly guarded magazine, from which they made off with several barrels of powder.10 Soon small-arms and rifle fire was being directed against the mounted infantrymen who had been dispatched to hot spots on both banks of the Seine to prevent the unrest from spreading. Insurgents tried to fraternize with the troops, but their scattered initial success proved to be short-lived. Worse yet, only 500 to 1,000 of the original demonstrators arrived ready to fight, and their pleas for their fellow marchers to join them generally fell on deaf ears.11

Informed of the initial scope of the unrest, Louis-Philippe immediately returned from Saint-Cloud to rally his forces. He conducted a review of the troops on the place du Carrousel around nine or ten o'clock on the evening of June 5 and was received with enthusiasm. Troop strength was rapidly augmented thanks to the arrival of National Guard forces from the suburbs and the deployment of additional army units from garrisons in the Paris basin. The army was prepared to make use of every weapon in its arsenal. The newspaper Le temps reported that dragoons had even built a "barricade" of their own and forced the inhabitants of nearby houses to place lighted candles in upper-story windows as a sign of support.12 More critical to the victory of the forces of order was the military's willingness to bring cannon to bear against the insurgents' best-entrenched positions. The thunder of artillery barrages could be heard throughout that night.13

By the morning of June 6, the last pockets of resistance on the left bank had already been contained and the insurrection confined to the three right-bank neighborhoods marked as centers of combat on map 1. Counting all units of the National and Municipal Guards in addition to the larger complement of soldiers from the regular army, the forces at the government's disposal now approached 60,000 men. Given the lack of popular response to the insurgents' appeals, the outcome could no longer be in doubt. At noon on the second day of fighting, the king again reviewed the troops on the place de la Concorde before setting out on an intrepid (and still quite perilous) horseback tour that took him across the city to the place de la Bastille via the grands boulevards and back again through the faubourg Saint-Antoine and along the quays.

Despite their fading chances of victory, militants continued the struggle through the daylight hours of Wednesday in isolated locations like the March des Innocents and, as evening approached, staged a desperate last stand in and around the Eglise Saint-Merri (fig. 1). The rebels, led by army veterans and commanded by a decorated hero of the July Days, had taken over the caf Leclerc and the rest of the building located at 30, rue Saint-Martin, where they established their "headquarters, fortress, and first-aid station."14 This complex was flanked on either side by a huge barricade, whose defenders were protected by snipers posted at the windows of the adjoining buildings. About one hundred of the most committed insurgents-predominantly the young, but joined by a few elderly veterans of previous revolutionary conflicts-had resolved to die with arms in their hands.[Figure 1 here]

With all other districts of the capital pacified and the opposition press muzzled, the full weight of the repression could be concentrated on this last remaining stronghold of rebellion. Successive attacks by the Parisian National Guard, the National Guard of the suburbs, and the Municipal Guard were repulsed, but a final assault by regular army units, supported by four large cannon, reduced the last pair of barricades to rubble. The last guns were silenced barely twenty-four hours after hostilities had begun. The casualty toll among the insurgents, mounting as high as 800 dead and wounded, was particularly heavy because the people of Paris withheld their support, leaving most of the committed insurgents of June 1832 to pay for their rebellion with their lives.15 be457b7860