Almost every year on Memorial Day and Veteran’s Day at or near where we now stand, the town of Reading commemorates its veterans. Words are shared, names are read, “Taps” is played, service and sacrifice are remembered.
Today, on this common gathering site, we will remember the service of Reading’s African American veterans and the central role Blacks played in the colonial history of the town.
During the 19th century the service of Reading’s Black veterans was not forgotten. At Reading’s Bi-Centennial in 1844 James Flint, a prominent town historian and orator, declared that Reading’s “colored persons,...owned as slaves,....proved good and brave soldiers.”
A 19th century Reading historian used military records to document the service of Reading’s soldiers. We know that at least eleven African Americans from Reading served in the American Revolutionary War. From 1775-1783, they served in campaigns from the nearby siege of Boston to the victorious battle of Yorktown.
Let us remember some of their names and service.
Baccus was a Black private from Reading who served in the early months of the war. His company return was dated October 1775, and he was likely part of the months-long siege of Boston, helping to hold the British inside the city.
Cato Eaton enlisted for three years as a substitute for Reading resident John Brown. Cato’s service led to a bounty and his freedom.
Caesar Freeman enlisted multiple times including in Rhode Island. He received a bounty for serving as a substitute for John Geary.
Doss Freeman obtained a pension for his service from 1777 to 1779, during which he likely served alongside other Reading men at the Battle of Saratoga, New York and at the winter training encampment at Valley Forge, Pennsylvania
Jonas Freeman was an eighteen-year-old farmer of “black complexion” when he went to war in December 1780. It is likely that his three years of service took him, along with other Reading men, to the last official battle of the war in Yorktown, Virginia.
As you may have noticed, Reading’s Black soldiers had several things in common.
Toward the end of the war, the town was required to furnish a set number of soldiers for certain periods. Thanks to the service of Black veterans like Cato Eaton and Caesar Freeman, “the town always filled its quota.” As white men with means were drafted, some paid to send a substitute in their place. Those substitutes were often African Americans, who stepped up to meet the town’s needs.
Another commonality was the surname Freeman. As Reading soldiers earned their freedom through war service, several of them shed their former slave names to recognize their new status as a free man, hence Freeman..
These Reading men would have joined the Continental army or state militia for a variety of reasons, including cash and their freedom. Historians also recognize that “many… Black men fought and served because they were patriots, willing to sacrifice everything for their new country.”
During the American Revolutionary War, freedom was doubly meaningful to enslaved men who served, including those from Reading, for it meant both freedom from Britain and freedom for themselves.
Plans have been in the works for over a decade to honor African Americans of the Revolutionary War on the proposed National Liberty Memorial in Washington D.C. In June 2011, the Reading Board of Selectmen indicated its support for the monument by pledging to back efforts to pass a congressional resolution for the National Liberty Memorial Act.
What follows are the names of African American veterans from Reading, which included Wakefield and North Reading at the time, who will be included on the proposed National Liberty Memorial. Let us remember and say their names in alphabetical order.
Baccus
Cato Eaton
Israel Eaton
Caesar Freeman
Doss Freeman
Jonas Freeman
Sharper Freeman
Caesar Gary
Jack Green
Edmund Thomas
Caesar Wyman
We recognize Reading’s Black and enslaved veterans for their service in the fight for independence against Great Britain and in the fight for freedom and equality within our nation.
We are here on the grounds of the Reading Public Library to focus on researching the town’s Black and enslaved people of the colonial era.
During this tour, we will read from primary source documents that are found through the brochure QR code, on the documents page. Could we get two volunteers to read two of the documents out loud for us? We will let you know when.
There are very few documents created by Reading’s enslaved, or formerly enslaved people themselves, but we did find many records that documented Reading’s early Black residents.
These included:
Slave census records
Records of marriages & births, known as vital records
Enslavers’ wills & probates
A runaway ad posted in a Boston newspaper
Military records
Church records
19th century town histories
Gravestones
Let’s look closely at three of these.
Our first document is Reading’s 1754 reply to Massachusetts Governor William Shirley’s request for a count of the number of slaves in the colony above sixteen years of age. This document has been digitized and can be found online.
Before we read, I wanted to point out that you will hear use of the term negro. This is terminology that is outdated and no longer used to describe Black persons. We will hear it read now to keep the authenticity of the document.
Could we get our volunteer to read:
Reading [December] 2, 1754
In obedience to the within written order.
We the subscribers have taken the
Number of Negro Slaves within the town &
they are as follows. (viz) fourteen males
& six females.
Brown Emerson
John Swain
John Temple \
David Green
Thomas [Hinten]
} Assessors for [town] of Reading
As you can see, the assessors’ arithmetic was jotted in the margins like a math equation, noting that Reading’s fourteen males and six females added up to twenty enslaved persons.
Notice the signatures at the bottom of the document. Five white male residents of the town signed their names to this response to the governor’s request. As a census record, this tally of enslaved persons was an official public document. This information about Reading’s enslaved population was not hidden.
Other records echo the desire to tally the number of enslaved persons living in Reading, for example 34 were counted in the 1765 census. In rural areas like Reading, Black and enslaved persons made up about 3% of the population, while in urban areas like Boston or Salem, they would have been closer to 10%.
But, the enslaved were more than just a number, they were individuals with stories. Finding the more personal and remarkable details of their lives can be challenging, but not impossible.
Our next document is a runaway advertisement from the 1765 Boston Gazette and Country Journal. We obtained a digital copy from the American Antiquarian Society in Worcester.
Most enslaved people left no personal written records, but runaway slave advertisements can be read as if they were short biographies and the reader can learn a lot about Cole, the runaway, from this ad.
Could we get our other volunteer to read. As we read, think about what we can learn about Cole from this advertisement.
Reading, August 12, 1765
Ran-away from his Master
Nathan Parker of Reading, on the 7th Instant at Night,
A Negro Man named COLE, about 27 Years of Age,
And about 5 feet 6 Inches high, well-sett, speaks good
English, and has a demure Countenance: Had on and
Took with him, a light blue Coat, and also a light Coat,
A check Holland Jacket without Sleeves, a Pair of
Check and a Pair of white Trowsers, a new check and
An old white Shirt, and a new Felt Hat - He took
With him a very good Gun, with the Name of his Master
Engrav’d at large on the Thumb Piece which was Silver,
And an old Sword Whoever takes up said Negro, and
Will convey him to his said Master, shall have TWO
DOLLARS Reward and all necessary charges paid.
NATHAN PARKER.
All Masters of Vessels and others are hereby cauti-
Oned against harbouring, concealing or carrying off said
Servant, on Penalty of the Law.
So what do we know about Cole?
Physically Cole was around 27 years old, 5 foot 6, with a sturdy build. That Cole “speaks good English” might be a statement about his ability to speak the dominant English language or it could be an example of white societal stereotypes that African Americans had poor speaking skills.
With “a demure Countenance,” Cole’s owner saw him as reserved, modest, and shy, all traits that he may have utilized purposely in his subservient role. These are also characteristics which might have helped Cole hide his plans to run away.
His significant amount of clothing and other goods may have helped him “dress the part of a free man.”
In common with other runaway slave ads for strong young men, Parker cautioned ship captains from letting him join their crew. Nathan Parker must have been worried that Cole would flee to Boston to find work in maritime industries. Many runaways did indeed go to ports in search of sanctuary and money as well as their freedom.
Despite Nathan Parker’s “TWO DOLLARS REWARD” and “all necessary Charges paid” there is no evidence that Cole was ever returned to him.
The last document we will look at here is a probate record. Probate records are legal documents that contain a tally of owned property. Many probate records from colonial Reading have been digitized and can be found online and at the Reading Public Library. The 1772 probate record for Joshua Eaton Sr. shows the appraisal of his estate following his death at age 38.
Take a look at the probate record. What do you see?
As we have noticed, a “negro man named Cato,” is listed slightly more than halfway down the single-page record of Eaton’s property. Cato is entered as having a value of 60 pounds.
Cato is itemized directly under Eaton’s “horses, oxen, cows, & swine,” and his name appears just above the “husbandry [utensils], cart and wheels, plows, [chains], and horse furniture.” In 18th century Reading, Cato was comparable to non-human property.
At 60 pounds, Cato equaled the value of approximately one-third of Eaton’s 70 acres of land. Worth 9 pounds less than the farm animals, Cato was valued higher than the clothes, featherbeds, tables and chests, pewter and brass, and cooper’s tools combined.
In spite of his status as property, Cato would have worked closely with Eaton at his Summer Avenue homestead on any number of labors including “farming, carpentry, and other tasks in the field, home, and barn.” It’s very likely that Cato lived and slept inside the Eaton home and was closely intertwined with the family, including Joshua Jr.
Joshua Eaton Sr. did not leave a will and it is not entirely clear which Eaton family member owned Cato after his death. Cato appears to have remained in the family, whether immediate or extended, as he retained the surname Eaton in a military record of 1782.
It is likely that Cato stayed on the family farm with Eaton’s widow Mary and her four children. Joshua Eaton Jr., after whom the elementary school is named, was fifteen at the time of his father’s death. At that early age Joshua Jr. would have become the oldest free man in the house and probably still used the labors of Cato, with whom he would have been quite familiar.
As you will learn or have learned at the Town Common tour, Cato later played a key role in helping to meet Reading’s quota for military service in the American Revolutionary War.
Local marriage records show that in 1783, the year the peace treaty was signed to end the American Revolutionary War, a Black man named Cato from Reading married Lucy Hay of Stoneham. Their son, Cato Jr., surname Freeman, was born on March 13, 1790.
As recently as a few years ago, historians of northern slavery note that enslaved people had largely disappeared from histories of the colonial era, but in recent years more of their stories are being researched and told. There are many more stories, like Cato’s to be uncovered and shared, and libraries like the Reading Public Library, archives, and digitized records available online, provide access to the documents that can help us uncover more about the Black and enslaved persons who made Reading home and contributed so much of their lives to the benefit of the town and its residents
Before we begin, could we get 7 volunteers to read short excerpts from colonial Reading’s church records. We will let you know when to read.
We stand here at Old South United Methodist Church. This current building was constructed in 1913, long after the colonial era.
The first “Church of Redding” was erected in 1644 as a meetinghouse, which is a building used for both church and civic functions. It is located in what is now Wakefield, on the site of the First Parish Congregational Church, the stone church by the lake.
In 1769 a meeting house was built in this area, at the town common near where we now stand.
So, while the Old South church building was not around during Reading’s colonial days, we will use it as a symbol to consider the ways that Reading’s early Black and enslaved residents were involved in local churches.
Let’s begin with a question: How do you think colonial Reading’s Black and enslaved residents were involved in the town’s church and religious life?
We can learn about the religious lives of Reading’s enslaved people through published church records. Compiled into book format, the church records of Reading’s First Parish Church begin in 1648 and most years are marked with a short summary of key events that occurred in the church.
The church records reveal that many of Reading’s enslaved people were part of the Christian community that was the heart of the town.
Before we read excerpts from these records, a few explanations are in order. When we hear of “persons that owned the covenant” it means that the person made a profession of faith and agreed to follow church rules. We will also hear use of the term negro, this is terminology that is outdated and no longer used to describe Black persons. Lastly, be aware of the term “servant” which in the 18th century was synonymous with slave or enslaved person.
Thank you to our volunteers, please proceed in order by reading the highlighted section on your laminated page. I will begin.
From “The Church Records of the Old Town of Reading, Mass”
[Teacher speaker]: Persons that owned the covenant:
Feb 25th 1727: Priscilla a negro of Justice B. Pools
March 14, 1736: Primus, Negor Servt of Mr Joseph Dammon
Ownd ye Covt & was Baptized.
[Teacher Speaker]: Persons that have owned the covenant 1738
Mar 19th: Rose a Negro servt. of Benja.Brown
Ownd ye Covt & was Baptised.
June 11th: James Negor Servt. of Timp. Nicolls
ownd ye Covt. & was baptised.
Octo. 29th: Meriah Negro Servt. to Mrs Stow Ownd ye
Covt & was baptised.
[Teacher Speaker]: Persons that have owned the covenant 1741
Octo 25th: London Negro Servt to Capt Eaton Own'd
ye Covt & was Baptised.
Novr 22nd: Titus Negro Servt to Thos Green Own'd
Covt & was Bapd.
Thank you.
Church membership increased across New England during the early to mid 18th century due to the Great Awakening, an evangelical movement that inspired religious revivals. As for Reading’s Black and enslaved people, many may have joined the church because of the Great Awakening or as a result of the demands of their owners. We might also presume that they may have chosen to belong, whether because of their own faith or because they could see the benefits that church membership might provide.
As we listened to the church records, you may have recognized the names of some of Reading’s prominent men, including Justice B. Pools, Timothy Nicolls, and Captain Eaton. Not only were many of Reading’s prominent men enslavers, but church leaders were as well.
One such church leader was Deacon Benjamin Brown. Married in 1724, he, his wife Susannah and their nine children lived in the church parsonage, which was located on Common Street in Wakefield. Their enslaved woman Rose, who in 1738 owned the covenant and was baptized, would almost certainly have lived inside the parsonage with them.
Similar to other enslaved women in the North, Rose would have performed chores suited to the home including cooking, washing, spinning, weaving, and caring for children. With nine children and a busy household, Rose would have always been toiling to feed, clothe, and wait on Deacon Brown’s family.
Despite the endless tasks required of the Brown homestead, Rose found time to form a relationship. As recorded in town marriage records, on June 23, 1737 she married Jack, the slave of Kendall Boutell of Reading. Upon entering their union, Rose and Jack would have had to face the demands of both enslavers.
While Rose was able to form a family, the hardships and limitations she must have faced became too much of a burden for her to bear. Lilley Eaton reports in his 19th century history of the town that in 1740 according to church records “Dea. Benj. Brown’s negro woman, Rose, committed suicide by hanging.”
Many questions remain regarding Rose’s reported death by suicide. Did something happen to her in 1740? A childbirth? The death of a child? A threat of sale? An act of violence? Did something happen to Jack? Or could Rose no longer bear the devastating circumstances of a life in slavery where she faced incessant toil, days apart from her husband, and limited hope for the future?
Historian Jared Hardesty declares that “suicide was rampant” for slaves living in “an unstable world full of social, economic, and cultural pressures.” While we can never be sure exactly what factors drove Rose to this act, her life in a state of unfreedom can be viewed as a major contributing factor.
With no death record since the deaths of enslaved people were not recorded by the town, nor a gravestone, Rose’s life was easily forgotten by succeeding generations. Let us take a moment of silence to remember Rose now.
We stand here at the Lowell Street entrance to Laurel Hill Cemetery. This hallowed and important place is listed on the National Register of Historic Places. The ground you are standing on was first established as a cemetery back in 1736 and grew in acres for the next 100 years.
In order to understand the history of Reading more intimately, one needs to look closely at the gravestones and markers here, and consider who was included and who was not.
The names of the enslaved of Reading are in parish and probate records, 19th century histories, newspapers, and vital statistics, yet only two gravestones are currently known, Amos Potamia and Sharper Freeman. Let’s walk to the marker for Sharper Freeman.
Here in front of us is the gravestone of Sharper Freeman.
“Sharper Freeman Kidnapped in Africa when about 16 years of age and enslaved. He was a soldier in our army of the Revolution for which he received his freedom and a pension. He died January 1, 1822 - aged about 80 years."
Sharper was one of millions of Africans to face the trauma of family separation and the Middle Passage. According to Reading historian Lilley Eaton, he was “believed to be the son of a king” in Africa. Regardless of his original status among his people, the extreme trauma of being ripped from his family stayed with him as Sharper “remembered the crying of his mother when he was brought away.” The mental and emotional torment of being separated from loved ones could be just as brutal as the physical abuses slaves endured.
Little is known about Sharper’s life as an enslaved man but his service in the American Revolution would mark a key point in his life. Sharper was one of roughly 5,000 African Americans who served in the American Revolutionary War, roughly 1500 coming from Massachusetts. Enslaved or already free,, a substantial number of African Americans sought to join the fight for Liberty against the British monarchy. He first enlisted as a soldier from Stoneham in 1780 and served in western Massachusetts and New Jersey. In April of 1782, Sharper enlisted again and served with the 7th Massachusetts Regiment in various locations along the Hudson River.
Like many other enslaved people who gained their freedom, Sharper enlisted under the surname Freeman, a name which proudly reflected his new status as a free man. Not all enslaved men who enlisted in the army received a pension or were able to live a life in freedom after service, but Sharper was. Military records list his occupation as a farmer and laborer, jobs he likely maintained both as a slave and as a free person in Reading where he settled after the war.
Located down the hill on your right you will find the gravestone of Amos Potamia. Inscribed are the words, “Respected in life lamented in death was born a slave in Wilmington, Mass Feb. 14 1770 died a freeman of Christ in Reading May 24 1858.”
Not much is known about Amos’ life as a slave, but we know that he accumulated property, owned a house in Reading and was able to invest $2,000 dollars in the Andover and Medford turnpike (current Route 28/Main Street in Reading), which shared the fate of similar investments by his white neighbors, and was lost.
According to Reading historian Lilley Eaton, “he was greatly esteemed as a man and was an active Christian.”
It may be possibly that Amos earned his freedom from slavery during the mid to late 1780s, as the newly ratified Massachusetts Constitution of 1780 and a series of legal case that came before Massachusetts courts ended the practice of legal slavery in the state by 1783.
Please access Amos Potamia’s Will with the QR code on your brochure. You will find the will and transcription at the bottom of the ‘Documents’ page.
Take some time to read or skim Amos Potamia’s will. As you read, what do the details reveal? What questions does this document raise?
As we can see, Potamia orders his executor, Caleb Wakefield, of Reading “ to pay all my just debts, funeral charges, and charges of administration.” He then bequeathed five hundred and fifty dollars to various charitable societies including the Massachusetts Sabbath Social Society, the American-Sunday School Union Society, and the Massachusetts abolition society . His last will and testament bequeaths his money to various Christian and moral societies, revealing the compassion and humanity of a man once enslaved.
The life of Amos Potamia proves that some of the enslaved people of Middlesex County could experience a stable and respectable life as freemen. He owned a house, and had money to invest and later distribute upon his death.
Considering the fact that Amos was born quite late in Massachusetts’ slavery period, 1770, it is likely that he had more time than other freedmen to earn wages and thus was able to sustain a more prosperous life.
The only reminders in plain sight of Reading’s enslaved lay at your feet, their memories etched in stone. Now is the time to bring to light their stories, sacrifices, and contributions to the foundation of the town.