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Users mainly access the internet via mobile devices, followed by home, work, and Wi-Fi hotspot connections.13 In 2017, MTCHT initiated a plan to establish free Wi-Fi hotspots in public parks and around central locations in Baku.14 In 2019, Wi-Fi hotspots had been installed in some 20 parks.15 In June 2020, Azerbaijan Railways announced plans to introduce Wi-Fi access on all internal train routes.16

In Azerbaijan, there is a digital divide in terms of geography. According to the official figures from 2019, household internet access rates were 74.9 percent in rural areas, and 82.7 percent in urban areas.7 Despite government pledges, ICT infrastructure beyond Baku is neglected, and the capital is the overwhelming beneficiary of state investment in ICT.8 The rural-urban divide became even more visible during the COVID-19 pandemic as Azerbaijan adopted distance learning on March 3, 2020. Students, families, and teachers alike complained of inadequate infrastructure, lack of available personal devices at home, and expensive internet.9

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According to official figures from 2018, younger people are much more likely to be internet users than older people,10 and wealthier families are much more likely to own computers than poorer families.11 Moreover, there is a gendered dimension to inequalities in internet access: the gap between internet use among men and women is 12 percent, according to the 2021 Inclusive Internet Index.12 Low ICT literacy also remains a problem.

Score Change: The score declined from 4 to 3 because the government throttled access to the internet and blocked access to major social media platforms for 46 days during the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh.

Beginning in April 2020, Ali Karimli, leader of the opposition Popular Front party, and his family experienced a prolonged fixed- and mobile-internet outage, which continued through the coverage period.6 The outage appeared to be a targeted, individualized disruption. On January 18, 2021, Karimli and his spouse, Samara Seyidova, said they were taking the case to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) after having received no response from domestic courts, but in June 2021 they had yet to hear if the case would be accepted.7

Decisions to block websites or otherwise censor the internet in Azerbaijan are arbitrary and politicized, clearly targeting independent and opposition-affiliated news websites that are critical of the government. Court approval is not required before officially blocking a website, but it must be sought after the fact. Observers have noted that the courts are not independent and are unlikely to provide genuine oversight.1 There is no meaningful avenue for appeal, and no information on the total number of websites blocked at any given time. Under Article 13.3.6 of the Law on Information, Informatization, and Information Protection, the MTCHT is required to maintain a list of court-approved blocks on websites,2 but the ministry is currently in violation of this provision.3

Connectivity issues, including the 46-day throttling of the internet and blocking of major social media platforms in 2020, hampered efforts by the political opposition to plan rallies and efforts by journalists to cover them (See A3).

Score Change: The score declined from 2 to 1 because the implementation of martial law for four months in 2020 placed restrictions on online media, as well as due to the general erosion of rights for internet users.

In April 2020, Ali Karimli, leader of the opposition Popular Front party, began to experience a prolonged fixed and mobile internet outage, which also affected his family (see A3).2 The outage appeared to be a targeted, individualized disruption. Amid the outage, Karimli, his supporters, and journalists had difficulty getting in contact with his ISP and his mobile operator, Azercell. Karimli later sued these companies along with several government institutions, but a court dismissed the suit. He also sent his router to be inspected by a repair service, only to never hear from the company. Meanwhile, in an interview, member of parliament Zahid Oruc suggested that Karimli simply get a new SIM card.3

In January 2019, the government shut down mobile internet and phone service during a political rally; later, scores of attendees were questioned by police based on location data taken from their mobile devices. Many took to social media platforms to accuse mobile service providers of disclosing the names, phone numbers, and location data of subscribers who attended the rally. When Azadliq Radio inquired about these accusations, mobile companies cited the need to comply with certain legislation. Media law expert Alasgar Mammadli noted that according to Article 39 of the Law on Communication, the service providers are obliged to provide government institutions with any requested subscriber data.6

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