While hereditary performers continue to perform Qawwali music in traditional and devotional contexts,[2] Qawwali has received international exposure through the work of Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, Aziz Mian and Sabri Brothers largely due to several releases on the Real World label, followed by live appearances at WOMAD festivals. Other famous Qawwali singers include Fareed Ayyaz & Abu Muhammad, Rahat Fateh Ali Khan, Badar Miandad, Rizwan & Moazzam Duo, Qutbi Brothers, the late Amjad Sabri, Wadali Brothers, Nizami Bandhu, Bahauddin Qutbuddin, Aziz Naza, among others. Most modern Qawwali singers belong to the famed 'Qawwal Bachon ka Gharana' school of Qawwali, which was based in Delhi before 1947 and migrated to Pakistan after the Partition of British India.
Delhi's Sufi saint Amir Khusrow of the Chisti order of Sufis is credited with fusing the Persian, Arabic, Turkish, and Indian traditions in the late 13th century in India to create Qawwali as we know it today.[3] The word sama is often still used in Central Asia and Turkey to refer to forms very similar to Qawwali, and in India, Pakistan and Bangladesh, the formal name used for a session of Qawwali is Mehfil-e-Sama.
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Traditional qawwali practice is built upon a system of hereditary training in which qawwals are part of the service community connected to a particular shrine. Their primary function to the shrine is to service formal activities, primarily the death anniversaries of Sufi saints (Urs).[7]
Since the intention of qawwali is to act as a bridge toward the experience of Sufi mystical love and builds upon religious chants and chanted poetry, the practice is viewed as permissible in what Islamic scholar Lois Lamya al-Faruqi refers to as non-musiqa.[8][9] Qawwals themselves are central figures within qawwali ritual but are not regarded as the focus and are still regarded as part of the servant class.[10]
Qawwals are trained in two primary ways: (1) as part of a bradri or brotherhood of performers in which they learn the fundamentals of the music, and (2) within Sufic teaching circles typically reserved for the higher classes in which they learn about Sufism. The understanding of the spiritual aspects but also the form's reliance on poetry requires a level of literacy in order to fulfill the role.[11]
Ethnomusicologist Regula Qureshi distinguishes between "old" tunes (purn dhune, purn bandishe) and "tunes of nowadays" (jkal k dhune). The "old" tune repertory includes movable tunes that can be adapted to multiple poems as well as "special" (makhss, khs) settings of poems, which are identified by their text. Qureshi also includes "typical Qawwal tunes" (Qawwl k thet dhunen) in this category, referring to tunes that can be used for a variety of poems based on the music's structural features.[12]
The songs which constitute the qawwali repertoire are primarily in Persian, Urdu, and Hindi,[13][14] although Sufi poetry appears in local languages as well (including Punjabi, Saraiki, and dialects of northern India like Braj Bhasha and Awadhi.)[15][16] The sound of regional language qawwali can be totally different from that of mainstream qawwali, as in the case of Chhote Babu Qawwal, whose style of singing is much closer to the Bengali Baul music than to the qawwali of Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, for example.
The central themes of qawwali are love, devotion and longing for the Divine. The Sufi poets whose texts have made up the qawwali repertory often used worldly images to convey mystic spiritual love. As such, it is not uncommon to see mentions of worldly or forbidden concepts such as romantic longing, wine, and drunkenness, which are used as metaphors for the mystic state.[17] Qawwals bear the responsibility of maintaining a spiritually appropriate context for such songs, so as not to distract from the religious focus of the Qawwali occasion.[18]
A group of qawwali musicians, called a party (or Humnawa in Urdu), typically consists of eight or nine men including a lead singer, one or two side singers, one or two harmoniums (which may be played by the lead singer, side singer or someone else), and percussion. If there is only one percussionist, he plays the tabla and dholak, usually the tabla with the dominant hand and the dholak with the other one (i.e. a left-handed percussionist would play the tabla with his left hand). Often there will be two percussionists, in which case one might play the tabla and the other the dholak. There is also a chorus of four or five men who repeat key verses, and who aid percussion by hand-clapping.
Women used to be excluded from traditional Muslim music, since they are traditionally prohibited from singing in the presence of men. These traditions have changed, however, as is evident by the popularity (and acceptance) of female singers such as Abida Parveen. However, qawwali has remained a predominantly male business and there are still not many mainstream female qawwals.
The longest recorded commercially released qawwali runs slightly over 115 minutes (Hashr Ke Roz Yeh Poochhunga by Aziz Mian Qawwal). The qawwali maestro Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan has at least two songs that are more than 60 minutes long.
Qawwalis tend to begin gently and build steadily to a very high energy level in order to induce hypnotic states both among the musicians and within the audience. Almost all Qawwalis are based on a Raga from the Hindustani classical music tradition. Songs are usually arranged as follows:
The singing style of qawwali is different from Western singing styles in many ways. For example, in words beginning with an "m", Western singers are apt to stress the vowel following the "m" rather than the "m" itself, whereas in qawwali, the "m" will usually be held, producing a muted tone.[citation needed] Also in qawwali, there is no distinction between what is known as the chest voice and the head voice (the different areas that sound will resonate in depending on the frequency sung). Rather, qawwals sing very loudly and forcefully, which allows them to extend their chest voice to much higher frequencies than those used in Western singing, even though this usually causes a more noisy or strained sound than what would be acceptable in the West.
Used for centuries to spark religious devotion, qawwali or Sufi music features soul-stirring melodies, lively rhythms, and spiritually uplifting lyrics. Riyaaz Qawwali musicians, who are settled in the United States, hail from India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Bangladesh, representing multiple religious and spiritual backgrounds.
Just two sets earlier at globalFEST 2015, Mehta had been singing on the stage himself as the musical director of Riyaaz Qawwali, an ensemble that performs qawwali, a form of Sufi devotional music. A fellow Texan, Mehta invited the Jones Family Singers to perform together with Riyaaz Qawwali in their shared home state in 2021. On July 2, they will take to the stage together once again at the Smithsonian Folklife Festival.
Despite the vast distance between the origins of gospel soul, which traces its roots back to Black churches of the American South in the early twentieth century, and qawwali, which first converged from Persian, Arabic, Turkish, and Indian traditions on the Indian subcontinent in the thirteenth century, the two collaborators have found no dissonance between their musical practices.
Both ensembles perform within a democratic ethic of grounding the sacred in everyday human experiences. The ghazals (an Arabic form of poetry addressing themes of love and separation) Riyaaz Qawwali source their lyrics from compare the absence of a lover to the absence of faith, just as the Jones Family Singers compare the relief of financial debt to the relief of grace.
Qawwali is a musical tradition from present-day India, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, dating back 700 years. The group Riyaaz Qawwali brings 13th-century Sufi music to life by overcoming cultural and linguistic barriers, translating lyrics to unravel the cultural heritage of South Asian devotional music. Trained in Eastern and Western classical music, the members have been professionally performing qawwali for the past twelve years.
Presented by the Kamil and Talat Hasan Chair in Classical Indian Music, the Ali Akbar Khan Endowment for Indian Classical Music and the UC Santa Cruz Music Department. Co-sponsored by the Center for South Asian Studies and The Humanities Institute.
Burlington in Vermont was just starting to take on the complexion of winter when I dropped out of the sky into its verdant beauty. Little wafts of snow were blown around the trunks of the trees and I pulled my collar in close as I left the small airport and looked for a cab.
I liked the place immediately and the cab driver was a friendly guy who took me to my modest motel at a leisurely pace and offered a commentary about a town he was obviously proud of. It looked bleak on this day however, despite the warmth of his words.
With a resident population of around 40,000 -- swollen by 15,000 students from nearby colleges -- Burlington was smalltown America of the kind I had only read about at that time. Clapboard wooden houses on stilts; lawns burned dry by snow; kids who all seemed to know, or know of, each other . . .
And I never would have gone there in the first place if it hadn't been for Joan Osborne and her naggingly irritating hit single One of Us which bleated, "what if God was one of us, just a slob like one of us?"
But in the weeks beforehand as I prepared for a month of travel which would take me from Memphis to Tokyo via New York and some places around London and the north of England I read about Osborne and liked what I was hearing: she came off as intelligent in interviews, admired Janis Joplin and could sing like her when she wanted, had started her own Womanly Hips Music label, and she had taken songwriting lessons with the legendary Doc Pomus in New York.
On the night of her show in Burlington's Memorial Auditorium on Main Street (a converted basketball stadium) I arrived early to scope the crowd: a huge percentage of women with their teenage daughters, some men in their 50s with greying hair pulled into pony-tails, and a lot of college students. 152ee80cbc
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