So, now the government is emphasising more on proper monitoring of all these programmes.
Millennium Development Goals These are eight international development goals that were officially established following the Millennium Summit of the United Nations in 2000, following the adoption of the United Nations Millennium Declaration. One of these was to reduce by 50% the proportion of people living on less than US $1 a day by the year 2015.
The Challenges to Poverty Reduction
Poverty reduction is still a major challenge in India, due to the wide differences between regions as well as rural and urban areas. Further, poverty should include not only the matter of the adequate amount of food but other factors like education, healthcare, shelter, job security, gender, equality, dignity and so on.
These give us the concept of human poverty. Poverty reduction is expected to be lower in the next 10-15 years.
In addition to anti-poverty measures, the government should focus on the following to reduce poverty.
Ans: Living amongst poor people in poor surroundings away from the rich and upper class is known as Social Exclusion. Social Exclusion is a cause and result of poverty. It basically means being excluded from enjoying any type of social equality. This, in turn, leads individuals to be excluded from certain privileges and certain decisions. Sometimes social exclusion can lead to people being deprived of certain opportunities that other parts of the society may enjoy.
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In the United Kingdom, the second Cameron ministry came under attack for its redefinition of poverty; poverty is no longer classified by a family's income, but as to whether a family is in work or not.[56] Considering that two-thirds of people who found work were accepting wages that are below the living wage (according to the Joseph Rowntree Foundation[57]) this has been criticised by anti-poverty campaigners as an unrealistic view of poverty in the United Kingdom.[56]
Research has found that there is a high risk of educational underachievement for children who are from low-income housing circumstances. This is often a process that begins in primary school. Instruction in the US educational system, as well as in most other countries, tends to be geared towards those students who come from more advantaged backgrounds. As a result, children in poverty are at a higher risk than advantaged children for retention in their grade, special deleterious placements during the school's hours and not completing their high school education.[142] Advantage breeds advantage.[143] There are many explanations for why students tend to drop out of school. One is the conditions in which they attend school. Schools in poverty-stricken areas have conditions that hinder children from learning in a safe environment. Researchers have developed a name for areas like this: an urban war zone is a poor, crime-laden district in which deteriorated, violent, even warlike conditions and underfunded, largely ineffective schools promote inferior academic performance, including irregular attendance and disruptive or non-compliant classroom behavior.[144] Because of poverty, "Students from low-income families are 2.4 times more likely to drop out than middle-income kids, and over 10 times more likely than high-income peers to drop out."[145]
Poverty often drastically affects children's success in school. A child's "home activities, preferences, mannerisms" must align with the world and in the cases that they do not do these, students are at a disadvantage in the school and, most importantly, the classroom.[146] Therefore, it is safe to state that children who live at or below the poverty level will have far less success educationally than children who live above the poverty line. Poor children have a great deal less healthcare and this ultimately results in many absences from school. Additionally, poor children are much more likely to suffer from hunger, fatigue, irritability, headaches, ear infections, flu, and colds.[146] These illnesses could potentially restrict a student's focus and concentration.[147]
Some academics, including Dylan Sullivan and Jason Hickel have challenged this contemporary mainstream narrative on poverty, arguing that extreme poverty was not the norm throughout human history, but emerged during "periods of severe social and economic dislocation", including high European feudalism and the apex of the Roman Empire, and that it expanded significantly after 1500 with the emergence of colonialism and the beginnings of capitalism, stating that "the expansion of the capitalist world-system caused a dramatic and prolonged process of impoverishment on a scale unparalleled in recorded history." Sullivan and Hickel assert that only with the rise of anti-colonial and socialist political movements in the 20th century did human welfare begin to see significant improvement.[318] However, all scholars and intellectuals, including Hickel, agree that the incomes of the poorest people in the world have increased since 1981.[319] Nevertheless, Sullivan and Hickel argue that poverty persists under contemporary global capitalism (in spite of it being highly productive) because masses of working people are cut off from common land and resources, have no ownership or control over the means of production, and have their labor power "appropriated by a ruling class or an external imperial power," thereby maintaining extreme inequality.[318]
Poverty as a challenge class 9 notes, Class 9 economics chapter 3 notes In which we will learn about poverty, urban poverty, rural poverty, poverty line, vulnerable groups, anti-poverty measures etc.
Although scholars in social stratification theory have not developed measures of asset poverty, some have conceptualized head-start assets, an asset threshold at which a household might achieve or maintain middle-class status. Since home ownership in a middle-class neighborhood often enables children to benefit from better quality education and other social and cultural resources, head-start assets can be operationalized as the amount of financial assets to buy a median-priced home, including both down payment and closing costs. If this measure of head-start assets is found to be associated with achieving and maintaining middle-class status, additional measures of head-start assets for milestone life events such as entering and graduating from college, marriage, child birth, employment, and career achievements could be developed.
Overall, the assets perspective is a new area of theory and research in social policy, and the level of knowledge development reflects this nascent status. Even basic definitions and measures are not yet in place to inform the social stratification and assets for development perspectives in asset accumulation. Existing measures do not capture the multiple and complex aspects of assets. This report begins to lay out these issues and challenges. In the process, promising directions for conceptualization and research are suggested. Going forward, there is a great deal more work to do in developing and testing measures of assets and asset poverty that can enrich our understanding.
Shapiros (2004) concept of head-start assets[7] may be helpful in exploring asset poverty measures for future research outside a consumption framework, although it is not a measure of asset poverty. Shapiro (2004) defines head-start assets as the amount of assets large enough to help a household achieve or maintain middle-class status.[8] Since home ownership in a middle-class neighborhood often helps children obtain a middle-class education and other social and cultural resources needed to maintain middle-class lifestyle, Shapiro uses financial ability to purchase a home in defining head-start assets. Head-start assets are defined as the amount of financial assets required to buy a typical (median-priced) home in the United States. Accordingly, head-start assets include down payment and closing costs for a median-priced home. Shapiro estimates that a household required between $9,600 and $17,600 in 1999 to buy a median-priced house ($160,100), to cover the down payment (5 to 10 percent of house value), and to meet the closing costs (typically 1 percent). To be sure, this definition and measurement specification are a step forward, but empirical future testing can help ascertain whether head-start assets as operationalized by Shapiro (2004) represent the best measure of this concept, and have the impacts he suggests.
Matched savings in asset-building interventions, such as employment-based saving incentives (e.g., 401(k)s) and poverty-reduction programs (e.g., IDAs) are perhaps in the middle. They can be categorized as actively accumulated assets because they require account holders deliberate efforts, such as saving and preserving money in the accounts. They can be viewed as passively accumulated assets since they are given to account holders by outside sources. Further empirical investigation will help classify these assets into either category. Institutional theories of saving and asset accumulation may better specify active and passive into multiple constructs such as access, information, facilitation, and restrictions, and connect these constructs with emerging theory and evidence in behavioral economics.[11]
A shocking revelation is the resurgence of hunger levels to those last observed in 2005. Equally concerning is the persistent increase in food prices across a larger number of countries compared to the period from 2015 to 2019. This dual challenge of poverty and food security poses a critical global concern.
Harrison first notes that most of the evidence on the links between globalization and poverty is indirect. To be sure, as developing countries have become increasingly integrated into the world trading system over the past 20 years, world poverty rates have steadily fallen. Yet little evidence exists to show a clear-cut cause-and-effect relationship between these two phenomena. e24fc04721