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Neighboring the E. Barrett Prettyman Courthouse is John Marshall Park. The park was named in honor of John Marshall, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court from 1801-1835, who at one time resided at the park's location.

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The situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) remains volatile and human rights defenders (HRDs) remain at grave risk. They continue to operate at serious personal risk in an atmosphere of violence, hostility and instability. Absence of the rule of law and a climate of impunity prevail. As a consequence of carrying out activities such as investigating and exposing atrocities, combating sexual violence, advocacy with respect to the elections, and independent journalism, many HRDs have been subject to threats and attacks.

U.S. Air National Guard Staff Sgt. Melquiadez Racho, a patrol team lead with the 407th Expeditionary Security forces Squadron, uses his radio to check in with the base defense operations center at an undisclosed location in Southwest Asia, May 13, 2017. During patrols, security forces defenders perform safety and welfare checks across base and check base fencelines and perimeters for anomalies. Racho is a traditional guardsman deployed from the 254th Security Forces Squadron at Andersen Air Force Base, Guam. When not on Air Force orders, Racho serves as a police instructor with the Department of Defense on Guam. (U.S. Air Force photo/Staff Sgt. Alexander W. Riedel)

"I played for both River and Boca and I had a great time with both teams, but when I went from Boca to River they set fire to my house with my parents inside," he revealed.

On Thursday, the Saratoga Springs Police Department released a video from Schreiber's March 22 arrest that came from a camera on the uniform of one of the arresting officers. Police showed up at Schreiber's house on Kaydeross Park Road that night to interview him after a report of a reckless driver in the area.

According to the first reports his body was found in a bedroom of his house with traces of violence and next to a pool of blood. Police cordoned off the site and began to carry out the initial investigations, but until now the circumstances of the murder are unknown.

The festival resumed in November 2017, but it will no longer be held because of the earthquakes, which left Juchitn in ruins. It was the last festival attended by Cazorla where he celebrated life dancing and having fun with his people. He was grateful to be alive despite the fact that his house had completely collapsed in the earthquakes on the night of September 7, 2017.

I could tell you that, around the world, three people are killed every week while trying to protect their land, their environment, from extractive forces. I could tell you that this has been going on for decades, with the numbers killed in recent years hitting over 200 each year. And I could tell you, as this report does, that a further 200 defenders were murdered in the last year alone. But these numbers are not made real until you hear some of the names of those who died.

That means national and supranational governments committing to report and investigate these murders, and ultimately to serve justice on the culprits. It means governments ensuring protections for defenders, including reporting and investigating their murders as a means to access justice. It means companies ensuring their operations do not cause harm. And of course it means all of us continuing to shine a light on these stories, not just to remember those who have fallen but to continue their urgent work by telling the world exactly why they are dead.

Mexico was the country with the highest recorded number of killings, with defenders killed every month, totalling 54 killings in 2021, up from 30 the previous year. Over 40% of those killed were Indigenous people, and over a third of the total were forced disappearances, including at least eight members of the Yaqui community.

Global Witness recorded 12 mass killings, including three in India and four in Mexico. In Nicaragua, criminal groups massacred 15 Indigenous and land rights defenders as part of systematic and widespread violence against the Miskitu and Mayangna Indigenous peoples.

Gender-based violence rooted in misogyny and discriminatory gender norms is disproportionately used against women environmental and human rights defenders to control and silence them, and suppress their power and authority as leaders.

The country has risen rapidly over the last ten years as one of the most dangerous places for land and environmental defenders, with 154 documented cases over this period. The majority of killings (131) took place between 2017 and 2021 alone.

Indigenous territories are highly vulnerable to the prolific number of large-scale extractive projects promoted by national and foreign companies and backed by the Mexican government. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights has raised concerns about the lack of adequate consultation with potentially affected communities and the subsequent attacks on those standing against signature projects. The Commission has flagged criminalisation and smear campaigns as harmful threats against land and environmental defenders in Mexico.

Whilst the Escaz Agreement was ratified by Mexico in January 2021 and came into force in April, there is little state capacity or budget to support defenders, narrowing the likelihood of individuals and communities securing access to justice and redress. The Mexican Centre for Environmental Rights (CEMDA) has raised concern about the multiplicity of factors involved in this context of impunity, including the lack of compliance with human rights standards when investigating crimes against defenders.

2021 was another dramatic year in Colombia, which continues to have one of the highest number of killings in the world. At least 33 land and environmental defenders were killed there last year. 2021 also marked the fifth anniversary of the peace agreement, which put an end to over 50 years of conflict with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia. Land disputes are a driving force behind the killings of land and environmental defenders, and the agreement acknowledges the need to address matters such as forced land displacement, unequal land tenure and the substitution of illegal crops by alternative legal crops. However, to date the implementation of the peace agreement has fallen short: peace is still a distant prospect for many Colombians, and the consequences of ongoing violence are particularly felt by the most vulnerable groups, including small-scale farmers and Indigenous peoples.

Brazil has been the most murderous country since Global Witness started reporting on defenders. Overall, it represents the country with the highest documented number of killings since 2012, with 342 lethal attacks in total. Around a third of those killed were Indigenous or Afro-descendants, and over 85% of killings happened within the Brazilian Amazon.

The failure of the state to defend land and environmental defenders even as it gives a green light to illegal resource extraction has led some to suggest that the government in Brazil has been captured by criminal interests.

Closely following Brazil, ten years of gathering data on the killings of land and environmental defenders have placed Colombia as the country with the second highest number of killings. The Colombian government has promised to ensure violence decreases. The reality is proving otherwise.

The Colombian civil society network Programa Somos Defensores, which documents and reports attacks against defenders, has repeatedly condemned the very limited state action, including from the judiciary, to end impunity and a climate of fear. This concern over human rights violations has also been echoed by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Inter-American Human Rights Commission.

Steaming ahead with development projects without any consideration for human rights raises serious concerns about the future of land and environmental defenders in a country with one of the highest levels of killings of defenders in the world.

Land and territory, and conflicts over their control and use, are central issues in most countries where threats against land and environmental defenders are present. Much of the increasing violence, killings and repression against defenders is linked to such conflicts and the pursuit of economic growth based on the extraction of natural resources from the land. This is exacerbated by extreme inequality in land ownership, which is also is one of the main drivers of social and economic inequality, particularly in Latin America.

In Brazil, where 342 defenders have been killed over the last decade, the Gini index (the most widely used indicator of inequality) of land ownership distribution is 0.73, placing Brazil among the countries with the greatest land inequality in the world. Research has shown that inequality is greater in the states with highest agricultural commodity production, such as in Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, Bahia and in the MATOPIBA region (which comprises the Cerrado biome areas of the states of Maranho, Tocantins, Piau and Bahia). Attacks against defenders are also high in these states according to Global Witness data. For example, in Mato Grosso, nine farm workers were tortured and killed in 2017 by hired assassins in an area of illegal deforestation. The same study also points out that 10% of the largest properties occupy 73% of the agricultural area of Brazil. In all Brazilian states, the 10% of the largest properties own more than 50% of the area. In six states and MATOPIBA, the 10% of the largest properties own more than 70% of the area. ff782bc1db