This survey is not comprehensive, only illustrative. I categorize all police alternatives into three groups: Health, Relationships and Community Patrol, and conclude with a special note on 911 and dispatch.
Besides calls involving health emergencies, states and localities have examined alternatives to addressing domestic, family and gender violence. Alternatives here are trickier. When police are called to address a domestic disturbance, they are called explicitly because they possess special powers of violence and arrest. The cops are a last resort: someone needs to come break up the fight. This is different from cases above, in which people call 911 to address health and wellness concerns, not to end a violent situation.
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Domestic violence responses make up a very large share of police calls. This issue is more pressing at this moment: COVID-19 lockdown measures have increased gender-based violence and calls to police.
The variety of police alternatives to domestic violence response tends to be proactive, not reactive like special patrols. Organizations across the U.S. have experimented with community restorative justice practices and targeted counseling initiatives. HPD employs a special Family Violence Unit, which includes counselors. These programs have come with both successes and challenges. Because these alternatives are not explicitly patrol-oriented, they will not be analyzed further, but they do warrant further exploration at this specific moment in time.
Some community-based models exist. Rooted in feminist ethos, community groups have banded together to respond to domestic violence in their neighborhoods. One example is the Sista Liberated Ground initiative in Brooklyn. Other lessons come from outside the U.S.. As mentioned in a prior blog post, women-staffed police stations have become the norm across much of Latin America. These stations staff only female officers who are specially trained to address gender-based violence, such as domestic abuse and sexual assault. These stations first began appearing in Brazil in the 1970s. Evaluations of their efficacy are mixed, with evidence pointing to their greater effectiveness in larger cities. Recent activists have pushed for establishing this model in North American cities.
Many alternatives to police arise at the local level: neighborhoods start their own patrols, cities or local nonprofits dispatch social workers to address addiction or homelessness, or local feminist organizations start restorative justice circles for domestic violence victims and assaulters. But I want to emphasize how the state and national government should also be a target for reforms.
When I arrived on scene, what assaulted my senses was anything but routine. A gray, four-door sedan had struck an elm tree that had stood well over two decades beside a well-traveled thoroughfare. A seven-year-old female child was belted into the front passenger seat of the car, unharmed but in shock. A young woman, presumably her mother, sat behind the wheel with her head at an awkward angle, gasping for air. She was not wearing a seatbelt.
At parties, I would tell stories of crazy calls about naked drunks or heated family arguments that led to full-blown Thanksgiving food fights. I loved the laughs and the attention, finding I could spin out the yarn to make the tale even better than how it happened in real life. All the while, I was shrinking inside.
I went out less often with friends. I made excuses not to attend events like weddings and birthday parties. On the outside, I am sure I seemed like a pompous fool with an excessive need for admiration from others. I felt somehow entitled to special attention from my friends and acquaintances based on my own retelling of the heroic deeds I had performed in the line of duty.
What makes for a successful, long career as a police officer, firefighter or EMT can be confused for arrogance and superiority. Unfortunately, the confidence you feel as a first responder just might change your life in negative ways you were not expecting.
You can still be successful at work without allowing your ego to get inflated to the point of self-destruction. Now, perhaps more than ever, we need compassionate and mentally strong first responders who are resilient in mind but realistic in emotion.
MISSY MORRIS started in public safety as a juvenile probation worker after graduating from University of California Santa Barbara in 1991 with a degree in behavioral psychology. She moved to the San Francisco Bay Area to work in probation before quickly transitioning to police work. After serving three years with the Palo Alto and Mountain View police departments as a patrol officer, she spent the following 22 years of her 28-year career at the City of Roseville. Missy worked in critical incident negotiations, eventually becoming the multi-city team leader and serving seven years on the state board of hostage negotiators. Missy feels her greatest assignment was a five-year stint as a traffic motor officer riding a BMW and working fatal accidents. She held several special assignments before retiring in 2020 as a lieutenant.
On the day Chicago police murdered Laquan McDonald, Chicago cops had 6 full-time public relations employees. As cops fought to keep the child's murder secret with the help of Mayor Rahm Emanuel, Chicago quietly increased its police budget to 25 full-time public relations positions. Today, under the leadership of hyper-propaganda focused, pro-cop Mayor Lori Lightfoot, Chicago cops have 48 full-time positions devoted to manipulating public information.
Chicago is not alone.1 Last year, I was asked to testify at an unprecedented hearing in the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. Something weird was happening: the elected leaders of San Francisco were trying to find out, amidst police stonewalling and secrecy, exactly how much money local taxpayers were spending on police PR.
In Chicago and hundreds of other cities following the colonial counterinsurgency model, these kinds of strategic PR units carefully plan things like basketball events for kids or food giveaways for poor families. Take a look at this video produced and disseminated by Chicago police PR officials showing armed Chicago cops giving away food in neighborhoods that a host of government policies has deliberately enclosed, segregated, extracted from, polluted, and starved:
The few existing journalistic or local government attempts to quantify the PR expenditures and activities of police departments also does not count extraordinary PR and political messaging spending by police unions using taxpayer-funded dues on public relations that are separate from the amounts spent directly by police departments.
And none of this counts all the cash police spend on other forms of sophisticated public relations: branding, logos, slogans designed and printed on cop cars, swag, gear, and absurd public events. Think of how every police car in your city is emblazoned with a slogan like "courtesy, professionalism, respect."
In what should be a been a huge scandal, after Radley Balko of the Washington Post debunked false information reported by a local SF television journalist and seeded by cops, text messages were uncovered between the director of the propaganda unit and the local journalist. In the texts, the SFPD official tells reporter "Thank God for you." The reporter then asks for cops to "protect" her. SFPD official then tells her she has a lot of fans" in "our department." He ends: "Keep up the great work."
It is revealing that police have found it necessary to create what is often, in many cities, the largest single private or public PR operation, bigger than the largest corporate PR departments in many cities. It is even further revealing that police have found it necessary to be so secretive about their public relations spending and activities. Many public agencies do not have public relations teams at all, and most agencies that spend taxpayer money on PR operations have extremely small ones.
If you're a journalist in any city in the U.S., a good next story for you would be to dig into the number of employees and budget that your local police department devotes to public relations. There's a reason they try to hide it.
I have been wanting to write for a while about the shadowy world of police \u201Cpublic relations\u201D budgets. It is not widely understood how much of what is presented as \\\"news\\\" is carefully curated propaganda that taxpayers fund.
A reporter at a large corporate newspaper asked me last week for my thoughts on police PR budgets, so I decided to write up something quickly. Here in Part 1, I\u2019ll describe some of the basics of police PR budgets and their growth, based on what little we know and using the examples of Chicago, Los Angeles, and San Francisco. In Part 2 next time, I\u2019ll analyze some of how these propaganda operations affect what we know and believe about the world and why they are so harmful.
Because the subject of how much money police spend manipulating information (and the lack of general awareness about the fact that they are doing it) is so upsetting, I\u2019ll start with a photo of one of my favorite cats, who is also a small lion and my former roommate. Wally has one functioning eye because someone shot him with a BB gun and our society reproduces and tolerates enormous levels of preventable violence, but he has lots of wisdom. 152ee80cbc
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