Anna Attie / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 26 December 2020 

Anna Attie / In These Times - When James Gard­ner got injured play­ing bas­ket­ball as a DePaul Uni­ver­si­ty fresh­man, he lost his finan­cial aid pack­age and was dropped from his class­es. To stay in school, he took out a $10,000 loan.

Soon, Gard­ner (a pseu­do­nym request­ed in fear of reprisal) and his fam­i­ly real­ized they couldn’t afford the uni­ver­si­ty. Instead, he trans­ferred to a pub­lic uni­ver­si­ty out­side Chica­go and enrolled in the Reserve Offi­cer Train­ing Corps (ROTC) of the Air Force. The mil­i­tary paid for his entire col­lege edu­ca­tion — on the con­di­tion he serve at least four years after graduation.

Gard­ner is a mem­ber of the Demo­c­ra­t­ic Social­ists of Amer­i­ca (DSA) and says the mil­i­tary is geared toward ​“resource extrac­tion and resource allo­ca­tion.” When DSA col­leagues learn about his mil­i­tary back­ground, he says there is a ​“lit­tle bit of a gasp.”

“Would I be in the same predica­ment,” he won­ders, ​“if col­lege and uni­ver­si­ty were tuition-free? Would I have gone through ROTC? I don’t know.”

Gardner’s sit­u­a­tion isn’t unique. Amer­i­cans owe more than $1.67 tril­lion in stu­dent debt (Source: adjusted for 11/2022 now $1.768 trillion) , and the cost of col­lege has increased by more than 25% in the past 10 years. Accord­ing to a 2017 poll by the Depart­ment of Defense, pay­ing for edu­ca­tion is the top rea­son young peo­ple con­sid­er enlist­ing. In 2019, the Army cred­it­ed the stu­dent debt cri­sis with help­ing it sur­pass its recruit­ment goals.

'I’m guessing about 60% of people wouldn’t join the military if they already had their education paid for,' says Matt Drennan, who just began his first year at the Virginia Military Institute.

“One of the nation­al crises right now is stu­dent loans,” Maj. Gen. Frank Muth, head of Army Recruit­ing Com­mand, said in 2019. While wars in the Mid­dle East were ​“not real­ly part of the dis­cus­sion” dur­ing his vis­its to recruit­ing sta­tions, he said edu­ca­tion­al ben­e­fits were a strong sell­ing point.

The pull of the mil­i­tary has even with­stood Covid-19. Though the pan­dem­ic has hin­dered mil­i­tary enroll­ment because of the lack of in-per­son sites, Army recruiters are con­fi­dent they will meet their recruit­ment and reten­tion goals, and are mak­ing stu­dent loan pay­ments cen­tral to their efforts. Mil­i­tary ben­e­fits include ROTC schol­ar­ships, loan repay­ment pro­grams and the GI Bill.

“I’m guess­ing about 60% of peo­ple wouldn’t join the mil­i­tary if they already had their edu­ca­tion paid for,” says Matt Dren­nan, who just began his first year at the Vir­ginia Mil­i­tary Insti­tute. While col­lege mon­ey wasn’t Drennan’s only moti­va­tor, he says join­ing the mil­i­tary will help him ​“not be a bur­den” on his par­ents. His father still has his own stu­dent debt to pay.

The stu­dent debt cri­sis dis­pro­por­tion­ate­ly affects peo­ple of col­or, with Black women owing more than any oth­er demo­graph­ic. Not coin­ci­den­tal­ly, Black women are heav­i­ly over­rep­re­sent­ed in the mil­i­tary. In 2018, Black women account­ed for almost 30% of all active-duty women, despite com­pris­ing only 13.7% of U.S. women.

Gard­ner acknowl­edges that many Black fam­i­lies, like his own, have a mil­i­tary lega­cy. But over­all, he says, the answer to why Black peo­ple are over­rep­re­sent­ed in the mil­i­tary is ​“the same rea­son why any­one else goes: It’s the economics.”

Chil­dren are often pushed toward the mil­i­tary long before they con­sid­er col­lege appli­ca­tions or grad­u­ate high school. In fact, 2001’s No Child Left Behind Act requires pub­lic schools to give mil­i­tary recruiters unfet­tered access to stu­dents. Recruiters then dis­pro­por­tion­ate­ly tar­get schools in poor and work­ing-class neighborhoods.

Nika Lofton, now a junior at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Chica­go, grad­u­at­ed in 2018 from Cen­tral High School in Macon, Ga. She remem­bers mil­i­tary recruiters as ear­ly as mid­dle school. ​“Any time I ever heard any­one talk about [why they were join­ing the mil­i­tary], it was … free col­lege,” Lofton says, not ​“being real­ly pas­sion­ate about going to the military.”

At Lofton’s school, mil­i­tary involve­ment fell along col­or lines with few (if any) white stu­dents join­ing the Army’s Junior ROTC pro­gram for teens. Cen­tral High School is almost 90% Black and 99% of stu­dents are from poor families.

Junior ROTC pro­grams are espe­cial­ly com­mon in poor, major­i­ty-minor­i­ty school dis­tricts. And they have been expand­ing for decades. The Army Junior ROTC web­site boasts that around 40% of all the pro­grams are in ​“inner city schools, serv­ing a stu­dent pop­u­la­tion of 50% minorities.”

“These stu­dents are seen as dis­pos­able and easy to recruit,” says Asha Edwards, a Uni­ver­si­ty of Illi­nois sopho­more who co-found­ed a chap­ter of the anti-war orga­ni­za­tion Dis­senters. She says anti-mil­i­tary orga­niz­ers must intro­duce alter­na­tives to the mil­i­tary and dis­suade youth involve­ment with ROTC pro­grams, which ​“prey on poor Black students.”

“If we divest from the Pen­ta­gon and the war indus­try,” Edwards says, ​“we could afford free college.”

Source: https://inthesetimes.com/article/student-debt-military-schools-recruitment-college-loans-education-race

 Fabiola Cardozo / Parent Category: NNOMY / Articles 14 December 2020

Fabiola Cardozo / NNOMY / español - Some elements make the popularity, frequency, and increased rate of the military enlistment of many young people possible. One of the most important is the influence they receive from their environment on the part of those people who act as counselors and teachers within the schools they attend, as well as from their parents or relatives at home. The normalization of militarization in American society leads us to think of military enlistment as a great option for young people’s futures. However, little is said about the real difficulties they will face. An adult who advises a teenager on military enlistment has naturalized war in a way that is not conducive to better decision-making on the part of young people, preventing the exploration of less violent alternatives. (See: http://peacefulcareers.org/index.html).

Within the school, some teachers and counselors receive encouragement from the Pentagon to influence and foster an interest in the military sector in young people. As we know, between students and teachers or counselors, there is an inherent power dynamic that gives educators almost unquestionable validity, leading to a dangerous influence. Likewise, the constant visits of military recruiters and the implementation of school programs that encourage entry into military service mean that young people are being permanently influenced by this idea. (See: https://nnomy.org/en/what-is-militarization/school-militarization.html).

Military cadet programs at schools like JROTC and Young Marines are always promoted as leadership programs. But is it a youth leadership program, or is it more of a strategy that is part of a grand plan to keep the war machine running where young people are the most vulnerable? Who is really in charge of these programs? Are young people able to decide autonomously? It is convenient to think about the influence that all these programs exert to promote military enlistment, coupled with a militaristic culture that is fostered within all the spaces in which young people live. Video games, movies, programs, TV series, and even music offer a glorified image of military life that is not exactly a true reflection of reality, making it possible for violent behavior to increase in children and young people.

While there are multiple factors that lead to violent actions, a growing body of literature shows a strong association between the perpetration of violence and the exposure to violence through the media. Studies demonstrating an association between exposure to violence in the media and real-life aggression and violence began appearing in the 1950s. Since then, various government agencies and organizations have examined the relationship. (See: https://www.aafp.org/about/policies/all/violence-media-entertainment.html).

We must also consider the few opportunities that are offered to the poorest and most marginalized communities, these being the target audience of military enlistment, where it is sold as an option or "the best option" to socially advance their lives. At times, counselors and professors advise young men to join the military if they lack the “good” grades necessary to qualify for scholarships that allow them to enter university, without giving them more information about other options.

The term “poverty draft” came about in the early 1980s to describe “the belief that the enlisted ranks of the military were made up of young people with limited economic opportunities,” Sojourners reports. Rocio Cordova, program coordinator for the Project on Youth and Non-military Opportunities, describes this phenomenon as a “draft-like system that pushes non-privileged people into enlisting because they lack access to jobs, income, and educational alternatives in their communities.” (See: https://www.teenvogue.com/story/the-military-targets-youth-for-recruitment).

With the promise of leaving poverty and all that it entails behind, many young people enter the military service. However, all the difficulties that arise—discrimination, bullying, and different expressions of violence—can trigger serious problems such as depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem, among others.

Although adults in the active military service are reported to experience increased mental health risks, including stress, substance abuse, and suicide, there is evidence that military service for the youngest soldiers is consistently associated with health effects far worse than for those who are older. This suggests that military service is associated with disproportionately poor health for those in late adolescence. These negative outcomes for teen soldiers, coupled with significant evidence that the adolescent brain is not equipped to make accurate risk calculations, leads APHA to conclude entry into the military should be delayed until full adulthood. For these reasons, the American Public Health Association opposes military recruiting in public elementary and secondary schools. (See: https://www.apha.org/policies-and-advocacy/public-health-policy-statements/policy-database/2014/07/23/11/19/cessation-of-military-recruiting-in-public-elementary-and-secondary-schools). 

When thinking about military recruitment, it is necessary to reflect on and question the social influence that is exerted on young people. We must also offer more information about other possibilities for their professional and personal development, as well as create a culture that is strongly and actively critical of the militarization of American society.

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 Fabiola Cardozo / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 06 October 2020

Fabiola Cardozo / NNOMY /  español  - It’s widely recognized that the Covid-19 pandemic undoubtedly affects the economy and, as a result, also negatively affects healthcare, education, and culture. However, in the face of hard times like the ones we’ve experienced this year, national priorities are oriented through the policies implemented by political leaders.

A recent article by the Washington Post highlights how The Pentagon diverted taxpayer money originally meant for masks and cotton swabs to make jet engine parts and body armor.

"The Cares Act, which Congress passed earlier this year, gave the Pentagon money to “prevent, prepare for, and respond to coronavirus.” But a few weeks later, the Defense Department began reshaping how it would award the money in a way that represented a major departure from Congress’s intent.

The payments were made even though U.S. health officials think major funding gaps in pandemic response still remain. Robert Redfield, director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, said in Senate testimony last week that states desperately need $6 billion to distribute vaccines to Americans early next year. Many U.S. hospitals still face a severe shortage of N95 masks. These are the types of problems that the money was originally intended to address."

What are the real needs of the population during the pandemic? Should the National Defense sector be a priority now? Questions like this lead us to examine some data.

These are the 2019 US Poverty Statistics published by the US Census in September 2020:

• The child Poverty Rate is 14.4%, therefore, about one in six children are in a poverty status.  This is a disturbing poverty statistic to many Americans because children are helpless to influence their living conditions.
  
  

• While the poverty rate for the population as a whole is 10.5% the rate varies greatly by race.  Blacks have the highest poverty rate at 18.8% and Non-Hispanic whites the lowest at 7.3%.  The Poverty rate for Blacks and Hispanics is more than double that of non-Hispanic Whites.
  
  

• Adults that work full time have a low Poverty Rate of 2.0%, which is not surprising.  The 2.3 million full time workers that are in poverty generally have low paying jobs, such as a minimum wage job paying $16,000 per year, and have two or more children thus pushing the family into poverty.   There are 42.9 million adults between the ages of 18 and 64 (working age) that are not working. They total 22% of working-age adults, but account for 61% of working-age adults in poverty.
  
  

• 14.4 million working-age adults have a disability which represents 7% of the workforce.  They have a Poverty Rate of 22.5%.  While this is a high rate of poverty it is less than the nonworking adult rate of 26.4%.
  
  

• The educational level attained by individuals has a dramatic impact on poverty.  23.7% of adults over 25 years old without a high school diploma are in poverty versus 3.9% for those with a college degree.

Covid-19 exacerbates other social crises and lays bare the inequalities that make children, seniors, Black people, immigrants, disabled, and people without access to education more vulnerable to poverty. This also means that they’re more likely to have a more intense experience navigating a humanitarian crisis that is characterized by the difficulty of accessing health care, a proper diet, and shelter as basic human rights. As it stands today, the landscape in the United States is defined by elevated unemployment rates, lower general income, and an increase in medical expenses, which makes paying rent difficult as a consequence, increasing the number of evictions.

"President Trump signed a Presidential Memorandum that provided $300 per week for unemployed workers. However, President Trump’s action was limited. This act required using FEMA funds and states had to opt-in to the program. The total amount of funds are limited to six weeks of benefits and some states have already run out of money under this program. This leaves unemployed workers only able to receive their state unemployment benefits, which range from around $300 - $500 per week. (Ver: https://www.forbes.com/sites/ryanguina/2020/09/23/next-stimulus-bill-needs-to-address-these-3-issues/#573b455c2769)

There are currently 7,44 million cases of Covid-19 in the United States and 210,000 deaths. Because this is a respiratory disease which propagates from person to person, masks and early detection through tests are an important line of defense. The interest of some in the business of war, in continuing to amass a large stockpile of resources, and to encourage the increase of the military industry, however, continues to grow.

“The $1 billion fund is just a fraction of the $3 trillion in emergency spending that Congress approved earlier this year to deal with the pandemic.

  

But in the months after the stimulus package was passed, the Pentagon changed how the money would be used. It decided to give defense contractors hundreds of millions of dollars from the fund, mostly for projects that have little to do with the coronavirus response. Defense Department lawyers quickly determined that the money could be used for defense production, a conclusion that Congress later disputed”. (Ver: https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2020/09/22/covid-funds-pentagon/)

During the pandemic, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, António Guterres, has adamantly put forth the challenges we all face, as well as the needs we need to fulfill:

The pandemic has demonstrated the fragility of our world. It has laid bare risks we have ignored for decades: inadequate health systems; gaps in social protection; structural inequalities; environmental degradation; the climate crisis. The virus poses the greatest risk to the most vulnerable: those living in poverty, older people, and people with disabilities and pre-existing conditions.

(Ver: https://www.un.org/en/coronavirus/tackling-inequality-new-social-contract-new-era)

“COVID-19 is our common enemy.  We must declare war on this virus.  That means countries have a responsibility to gear up, step up and scale-up.  How?  By implementing effective containment strategies; by activating and enhancing emergency response systems; by dramatically increasing testing capacity and care for patients; by readying hospitals, ensuring they have the space, supplies and needed personnel; and by developing life-saving medical interventions”. (Ver: https://www.un.org/en/coronavirus/covid-19-we-will-come-through-together)

“Health spending must be scaled up right away to meet urgent needs and the surge in demand -- expanding testing, bolstering facilities, supporting health care workers, and ensuring adequate supplies – with full respect for human rights and without stigma”. (Ver: https://www.un.org/en/un-coronavirus-communications-team/above-all-human-crisis-calls-solidarity)
 

In the same way, the Secretary-General has called upon all nations to cease all armed conflicts and put an end to the ravenous desire to perpetuate war:

“It is time to put armed conflict on lockdown and focus together on the true fight of our lives. To warring parties, I say: Pull back from hostilities. Put aside mistrust and animosity. Silence the guns; stop the artillery; end the airstrikes. This is crucial…To help create corridors for life-saving aid. To open precious windows for diplomacy. To bring hope to places among the most vulnerable to COVID-19”. (Ver: https://www.un.org/en/un-coronavirus-communications-team/fury-virus-illustrates-folly-war)

The response of the United States’ government leaves a lot to be desired; war shouldn’t be, now nor ever, a nation’s priority. We must uproot militarism present within all of our social structures.

 Eoin Higgins / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 01 August 2020

"It's important that our youth understand that joining the military isn't the only way to pay for college or find stability in life."

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on Monday proposed blocking the military from recruiting in schools, describing the practice as a predatory attack on disadvantaged children who already suffer from underfunded resources in their learning environments. 

The proposal follows an amendment to the defense spending bill from Ocasio-Cortez, a New York Democrat, last week that would ban military recruiters from using video game streaming platforms to reach impressionable young people. 

.@AOC, though an amendment to the defense spending bill, is seeking to block federal funding for military recruiters in middle & high schools.

“Children in low-income communities are consistently targeted for enlistment,” she says. https://t.co/NyWPDztR9D pic.twitter.com/APta1mOJd3

— Luke Broadwater (@lukebroadwater) July 27, 2020

"Whether through recruitment stations in their lunchrooms, or now through e-sports teams, children in low-income communities are persistently targeted for enlistment," Ocasio-Cortez told the New York Times.

According to the Times, the fate of both last week's and this week's amendments remain unclear:

It is not clear whether Ms. Ocasio-Cortez's proposals will receive a vote. The House Rules Committee will consider them on Tuesday, ahead of action on the defense spending measure later this week.

As Common Dreams reported, the progressive Democrat's video game recruiting amendment came after the military's streamers on the platform Twitch found themselves in the midst of controversy after banning activist Jordan Uhl and others from the Army ESports channel for asking them about war crimes. 

YES! Let’s get it! @AOC has introduced a pair of amendments to a defense appropriations bill that would bar the military from using funding to maintain a recruiting presence in US schools or on digital streaming platforms such as Twitch. https://t.co/JleKgzYuze

— About Face: Veterans Against the War (@VetsAboutFace) July 27, 2020

Uhl, who welcomed Ocasio-Cortez's first amendment as "one of many necessary steps required to dismantle the military industrial complex," told Common Dreams that the new proposal was another good sign to end what he described as an abusive practice by military recruiters. 

"Military recruiting is an insidious practice that preys on the vulnerable," said Uhl. "It's important that our youth understand that joining the military isn't the only way to pay for college or find stability in life."

We've spent $6,400,000,000,000 on war since 9/11. One-fourth of that could've canceled all student loan debt in the United States.

But if we canceled low-income students' debt or gave them healthcare, how would the military poach them for the war machine? #PeopleOverPentagon https://t.co/I8prU65jlK

— Savannah Wooten (she/her) (@SavannahEWooten) July 27, 2020

In her comments to the Times, Ocasio-Cortez also emphasized the need to provide students with more resources to understand they have more options than just joining the military. 

"In many public high schools where military recruiters have a daily presence, there is not even a counselor," said Ocasio-Cortez. "As a result, the military stops feeling like a 'choice' and starts feeling like the only option for many young, low-income Americans."

Source: https://www.commondreams.org/news/2020/07/27/progressives-applaud-aoc-proposal-ban-insidious-practice-military-recruiting-schools

Jordan Uhl / Parent Category: NNOMY / Articles 24 July 2020

 Gamers with the Army, Navy, and Air Force are spending hours on Twitch with children as young as 13.

Jordan Uhl / The Nation - Have a nice time getting banned, my dude,” Army recruiter and gamer Joshua “Strotnium” David told me right before he booted me from the US Army’s Twitch channel. I had just reminded viewers of the United States’ history of atrocities around the globe, and helpfully provided a link to the Wikipedia page for US war crimes.

Was I undiplomatic? Sure. But if the military is going to use one of the world’s most popular platforms to recruit kids, then it shouldn’t be able to do so without some pushback. Right now, with the support of Twitch, gamers with the US military are spending hours with children as young as 13, trying to convince them to enlist.

The Army, Navy, and Air Force all stream on Twitch using dedicated e-sports teams. These teams are comprised of skilled gamers who compete in tournaments for cash prizes. While members of military e-sports teams offer the regular gaming skill set, they’re also on-screen talent and recruiters. Instead of approaching a recruiter behind a table in a school cafeteria, kids can hang out with one who is playing their favorite video games and replying to their chat messages for hours on end.

Twitch, a livestreaming platform owned by Amazon, boasted more than 5 billion hours watched from April through June. (For comparison, Netflix claims that during quarantine people have been viewing around 6 billion hours of its shows and movies a month.) A typical military stream looks something like this: A recruiter, usually a man in his 30s, sits comfortably in his gamer chair inside a dimly lit room illuminated by a monitor and the colorful LED lights of his computer tower. An American flag hangs on the wall behind his right shoulder, an oversized stuffed animal sits to his left. He’s playing Call of Duty or Valorant. He’s friendly, and talks about how much he loves being in the Army. Despite being older than most of his young viewers, he speaks like them. “It do be like that sometimes. We do have some great comms,” said a recruiter in one recent session.

The practices employed on Twitch by military e-sports teams are part of a system by which recruiters target children in unstable and/or disadvantaged situations. Recruiters take advantage of the poor seeking steady income, the vulnerable longing for stability, and the undocumented living in fear because of their citizenship status. Now, at a time when all those factors are magnified by a pandemic that has left half the country out of work and over 30 percent unable to afford their housing payments, conditions are ripe for recruiters to prey on anxious youth.

“I see you guys are upgrading from recruiting out of low-income schools, nice,” Twitch user xCanyon916 said in a Navy stream on Tuesday while the recruiter was fielding questions about life in the military from chatters expressing desire to join the Navy e-sports team. The recruiter warned xCanyon916 that if they said something again about the Navy’s recruiting practices, they’d be banned.

Hasan Piker, a popular Twitch streamer with a dedicated following of over 430,000 users, recoiled at the thought of recruiters’ building relationships with young, impressionable viewers.

“Twitch is unlike anything I’ve ever experienced in my career, and it’s because you’re live for hours on end, talking to these people in the chat. You develop a community and know your individual chatters. There is an ecosystem in every Twitch channel,” Piker said. “Recruiting in this predatory way is a violation of [the users’] safety.”

While an 18-year-old might watch a piece of propaganda like American Sniper once in movie theaters and go on with their lives, here military members themselves are streaming hawkish agitprop day after day. In some cases, such as Call of Duty, these are games that the military or ex-military figures have consulted on and helped shape. In these Twitch channels, recruiters are using these games to solicit young viewers to share personal information. Branches that use e-sports and Twitch streams to reach and recruit younger viewers rely on sleight-of-hand tactics, false promises, and deceptive messaging to trick them into filling out recruiting forms.

The Twitter account for the US Army e-sports team links to a sparsely populated page with REGISTER TO WIN! at the top, no details on what one could even win, and a sign-up form that, according to a tiny disclosure at the bottom of the page, welcomes an eventual harangue by an Army recruiter. It allows people as young as 12 to submit the form, but adds a notice on the post-submission page that recruiters are not permitted to contact a child under the age of 16.

Twitch’s advertising pitch boasts that it can reach 80 percent of teen males in the United States. The minimum age requirement for Twitch is 13.

“All parents are concerned about screen time and what it’s doing to their children,” Justin Hendrix, the executive director of the NYC Media Lab, told me. “As a parent, I reckon a lot of us are unaware that our children are encountering marketing messages, influencers, and sales people in a variety of contexts online when we think they’re just playing games.”

Twitch viewers in the Army’s channel are repeatedly presented with an automated chat prompt that says they could win a Xbox Elite Series 2 controller—an enhanced controller with customizable options and extra paddles for advanced play that costs upward of $200—and a link where they can enter the “giveaway.” It, too, directs them to a recruiting form with no additional mention of a contest, odds, total number of winners, or when a drawing will occur.


The Army declined to comment.

There are over 325,000 current active-duty Navy servicemen and women. The inaugural Navy e-sports team commissioned earlier this year consists of 10 people. To qualify for the e-sports team, you must be at least an E-4, petty officer third class, a rank that takes on average two to three years to reach. One cannot join the Navy and immediately be on the e-sports team, but the Navy’s Twitch channel features a bio that reads, “Other people will tell you not to stay up all night staring at a screen. We’ll pay you to do it. Get a look at what life is like inside the uniform on the America’s [sic] Navy.”

Lara Bollinger, a public affairs officer with the Navy Recruiting Command, said in an e-mail that the bio is “a nod to the fact that when standing watch in various capacities on a ship (on the bridge, in the combat information center, etc.) a Sailor will be looking at various screens, (radar, sonar, navigation, etc…).”

Twitch does not consider military e-sports streams mature programming, so it does not require people to enter their age before viewing. One need only click a button acknowledging that the stream is intended for older viewers. With screen time spiking because of the pandemic, this presents a troubling dynamic.

“You can say what you want about people who serve in the military and what that says about them. I’m not saying they shouldn’t be able to play video games or e-sports, but I do think it’s more insidious to have the military using it as a recruiting tool for young, impressionable people,” Rod Breslau, an e-sports industry consultant and insider, said.

Hart Viges, a veteran, peace activist, and counter-recruiter in Austin, sets up information tables in schools and throughout his community to help kids understand that joining the military is not the only way to attain a more stable living situation or money for college. Recruitment rhetoric also ignores many of the risks of military life, especially the psychological complications of returning to the civilian world.

“They don’t talk about military sexual trauma. They don’t talk about the suicide rate. It’s mostly ‘We can pay for your school. You can serve your country,’” Viges said. “When I ask kids why they want to join, it’s either ‘I want to serve my nation’ or ‘I want to pay for college.’ I imagine recruiters feed off those two motivations the most.”

The use of gamified war propaganda to play into that myth isn’t new for the US military. The Army developed its own game franchise, America’s Army, which it launched in 2002 at the height of the War on Terror and includes story lines and missions based on real-life skirmishes. Games like Call of Duty whitewash the horrors of war, sterilize the violence, and mask the trauma inflicted on everyone involved.

The e-sports industry has become overrun with military sponsorships and partnerships with different games, e-sports organizations, teams, and even some individual players. The Call of Duty League is sponsored by both the Army and the Air Force. The National Guard recently partnered with e-sports organization NRG.

Instead of running a Super Bowl ad, the Navy opted to redirect those funds toward boosting its e-sports presence. The Navy sponsors ESLGaming and Fandom, two of the largest e-sports organizations in the world, as well as the e-sports team Evil Geniuses, which on Monday announced a larger collaborative effort with its military funder.

The Air Force, NRG, and Evil Geniuses declined to comment.

The Navy also has a partnership with Twitch that grants it prominent placement in the homepage carousel.

“Through our partnership with Twitch, the most popular e-sports streaming site, the Navy has immediate access to millions of 17-to-24-year-old e-sports enthusiasts on the platform to showcase a side of Navy life that viewers may not expect,” Bollinger said. “Viewers are asking our gamers insightful questions, and our gamers are effectively communicating that there is a place for everyone in the Navy.”

None of the military branches or Twitch would comment on paid promotion or how branches might qualify for prominent placement on Twitch’s homepage, an incredibly valuable position thanks to Twitch’s 15 million daily active users. Users recently expressed dismay last month when the Army’s channel was featured in the “Stream With Pride” category despite the military’s history of discriminating against the LGBT community.

But beyond the recruiting mechanism, these nationalistic e-sports efforts disregard the violence that the US military inflicts around the world.

“When tech and gaming platforms think of safety, they likely aren’t thinking about the very real violence predominately Muslim communities will face around the world as their platforms aid in military recruitment,” said Iram Ali, the interim director of campaigns at Kairos, a fellowship program that supports more diverse and equitable leadership in tech. “It was interesting to see Call of Duty want to express support for Black Lives Matter. But what active steps will the creators take to make sure the way the military preys on poor Black and brown kids in recruitment isn’t also happening with the help of their video game?”

This sentiment is complicated by the evolving nature of war, which makes gamers especially valuable. The military has long employed video-game-based training and was expanding its use even before the pandemic. Military personnel operate unmanned drones thousands of miles away using controllers that would be familiar to a serious gamer. A recent study showed that gamers may make better drone operators than even experienced pilots. With the military’s Twitch recruitment strategies, it’s easy to see the beginnings of an e-sports to drone operator pipeline.

“As we think about how automation and media are changing the way we fight wars, it’s concerning to think that children are being given the impression that the military is like a video game,” Hendrix said. “Whether it’s drones or killer robots, the last thing we need is less humanity in war.”

Source: https://www.thenation.com/article/culture/military-recruitment-twitch/

Jordan Uhl / The Nation - Have a nice time getting banned, my dude,” Army recruiter and gamer Joshua “Strotnium” David told me right before he booted me from the US Army’s Twitch channel. I had just reminded viewers of the United States’ history of atrocities around the globe, and helpfully provided a link to the Wikipedia page for US war crimes.

Was I undiplomatic? Sure. But if the military is going to use one of the world’s most popular platforms to recruit kids, then it shouldn’t be able to do so without some pushback. Right now, with the support of Twitch, gamers with the US military are spending hours with children as young as 13, trying to convince them to enlist.

The Army, Navy, and Air Force all stream on Twitch using dedicated e-sports teams. These teams are comprised of skilled gamers who compete in tournaments for cash prizes. While members of military e-sports teams offer the regular gaming skill set, they’re also on-screen talent and recruiters. Instead of approaching a recruiter behind a table in a school cafeteria, kids can hang out with one who is playing their favorite video games and replying to their chat messages for hours on end.

Twitch, a livestreaming platform owned by Amazon, boasted more than 5 billion hours watched from April through June. (For comparison, Netflix claims that during quarantine people have been viewing around 6 billion hours of its shows and movies a month.) A typical military stream looks something like this: A recruiter, usually a man in his 30s, sits comfortably in his gamer chair inside a dimly lit room illuminated by a monitor and the colorful LED lights of his computer tower. An American flag hangs on the wall behind his right shoulder, an oversized stuffed animal sits to his left. He’s playing Call of Duty or Valorant. He’s friendly, and talks about how much he loves being in the Army. Despite being older than most of his young viewers, he speaks like them. “It do be like that sometimes. We do have some great comms,” said a recruiter in one recent session.

The practices employed on Twitch by military e-sports teams are part of a system by which recruiters target children in unstable and/or disadvantaged situations. Recruiters take advantage of the poor seeking steady income, the vulnerable longing for stability, and the undocumented living in fear because of their citizenship status. Now, at a time when all those factors are magnified by a pandemic that has left half the country out of work and over 30 percent unable to afford their housing payments, conditions are ripe for recruiters to prey on anxious youth.

“I see you guys are upgrading from recruiting out of low-income schools, nice,” Twitch user xCanyon916 said in a Navy stream on Tuesday while the recruiter was fielding questions about life in the military from chatters expressing desire to join the Navy e-sports team. The recruiter warned xCanyon916 that if they said something again about the Navy’s recruiting practices, they’d be banned.

Hasan Piker, a popular Twitch streamer with a dedicated following of over 430,000 users, recoiled at the thought of recruiters’ building relationships with young, impressionable viewers.

“Twitch is unlike anything I’ve ever experienced in my career, and it’s because you’re live for hours on end, talking to these people in the chat. You develop a community and know your individual chatters. There is an ecosystem in every Twitch channel,” Piker said. “Recruiting in this predatory way is a violation of [the users’] safety.”

While an 18-year-old might watch a piece of propaganda like American Sniper once in movie theaters and go on with their lives, here military members themselves are streaming hawkish agitprop day after day. In some cases, such as Call of Duty, these are games that the military or ex-military figures have consulted on and helped shape. In these Twitch channels, recruiters are using these games to solicit young viewers to share personal information. Branches that use e-sports and Twitch streams to reach and recruit younger viewers rely on sleight-of-hand tactics, false promises, and deceptive messaging to trick them into filling out recruiting forms.

The Twitter account for the US Army e-sports team links to a sparsely populated page with REGISTER TO WIN! at the top, no details on what one could even win, and a sign-up form that, according to a tiny disclosure at the bottom of the page, welcomes an eventual harangue by an Army recruiter. It allows people as young as 12 to submit the form, but adds a notice on the post-submission page that recruiters are not permitted to contact a child under the age of 16.

Twitch’s advertising pitch boasts that it can reach 80 percent of teen males in the United States. The minimum age requirement for Twitch is 13.

“All parents are concerned about screen time and what it’s doing to their children,” Justin Hendrix, the executive director of the NYC Media Lab, told me. “As a parent, I reckon a lot of us are unaware that our children are encountering marketing messages, influencers, and sales people in a variety of contexts online when we think they’re just playing games.”

Twitch viewers in the Army’s channel are repeatedly presented with an automated chat prompt that says they could win a Xbox Elite Series 2 controller—an enhanced controller with customizable options and extra paddles for advanced play that costs upward of $200—and a link where they can enter the “giveaway.” It, too, directs them to a recruiting form with no additional mention of a contest, odds, total number of winners, or when a drawing will occur.


The Army declined to comment.

There are over 325,000 current active-duty Navy servicemen and women. The inaugural Navy e-sports team commissioned earlier this year consists of 10 people. To qualify for the e-sports team, you must be at least an E-4, petty officer third class, a rank that takes on average two to three years to reach. One cannot join the Navy and immediately be on the e-sports team, but the Navy’s Twitch channel features a bio that reads, “Other people will tell you not to stay up all night staring at a screen. We’ll pay you to do it. Get a look at what life is like inside the uniform on the America’s [sic] Navy.”

Lara Bollinger, a public affairs officer with the Navy Recruiting Command, said in an e-mail that the bio is “a nod to the fact that when standing watch in various capacities on a ship (on the bridge, in the combat information center, etc.) a Sailor will be looking at various screens, (radar, sonar, navigation, etc…).”

Twitch does not consider military e-sports streams mature programming, so it does not require people to enter their age before viewing. One need only click a button acknowledging that the stream is intended for older viewers. With screen time spiking because of the pandemic, this presents a troubling dynamic.

“You can say what you want about people who serve in the military and what that says about them. I’m not saying they shouldn’t be able to play video games or e-sports, but I do think it’s more insidious to have the military using it as a recruiting tool for young, impressionable people,” Rod Breslau, an e-sports industry consultant and insider, said.

Hart Viges, a veteran, peace activist, and counter-recruiter in Austin, sets up information tables in schools and throughout his community to help kids understand that joining the military is not the only way to attain a more stable living situation or money for college. Recruitment rhetoric also ignores many of the risks of military life, especially the psychological complications of returning to the civilian world.

“They don’t talk about military sexual trauma. They don’t talk about the suicide rate. It’s mostly ‘We can pay for your school. You can serve your country,’” Viges said. “When I ask kids why they want to join, it’s either ‘I want to serve my nation’ or ‘I want to pay for college.’ I imagine recruiters feed off those two motivations the most.”

The use of gamified war propaganda to play into that myth isn’t new for the US military. The Army developed its own game franchise, America’s Army, which it launched in 2002 at the height of the War on Terror and includes story lines and missions based on real-life skirmishes. Games like Call of Duty whitewash the horrors of war, sterilize the violence, and mask the trauma inflicted on everyone involved.

The e-sports industry has become overrun with military sponsorships and partnerships with different games, e-sports organizations, teams, and even some individual players. The Call of Duty League is sponsored by both the Army and the Air Force. The National Guard recently partnered with e-sports organization NRG.

Instead of running a Super Bowl ad, the Navy opted to redirect those funds toward boosting its e-sports presence. The Navy sponsors ESLGaming and Fandom, two of the largest e-sports organizations in the world, as well as the e-sports team Evil Geniuses, which on Monday announced a larger collaborative effort with its military funder.

The Air Force, NRG, and Evil Geniuses declined to comment.

The Navy also has a partnership with Twitch that grants it prominent placement in the homepage carousel.

“Through our partnership with Twitch, the most popular e-sports streaming site, the Navy has immediate access to millions of 17-to-24-year-old e-sports enthusiasts on the platform to showcase a side of Navy life that viewers may not expect,” Bollinger said. “Viewers are asking our gamers insightful questions, and our gamers are effectively communicating that there is a place for everyone in the Navy.”

None of the military branches or Twitch would comment on paid promotion or how branches might qualify for prominent placement on Twitch’s homepage, an incredibly valuable position thanks to Twitch’s 15 million daily active users. Users recently expressed dismay last month when the Army’s channel was featured in the “Stream With Pride” category despite the military’s history of discriminating against the LGBT community.

But beyond the recruiting mechanism, these nationalistic e-sports efforts disregard the violence that the US military inflicts around the world.

“When tech and gaming platforms think of safety, they likely aren’t thinking about the very real violence predominately Muslim communities will face around the world as their platforms aid in military recruitment,” said Iram Ali, the interim director of campaigns at Kairos, a fellowship program that supports more diverse and equitable leadership in tech. “It was interesting to see Call of Duty want to express support for Black Lives Matter. But what active steps will the creators take to make sure the way the military preys on poor Black and brown kids in recruitment isn’t also happening with the help of their video game?”

This sentiment is complicated by the evolving nature of war, which makes gamers especially valuable. The military has long employed video-game-based training and was expanding its use even before the pandemic. Military personnel operate unmanned drones thousands of miles away using controllers that would be familiar to a serious gamer. A recent study showed that gamers may make better drone operators than even experienced pilots. With the military’s Twitch recruitment strategies, it’s easy to see the beginnings of an e-sports to drone operator pipeline.

“As we think about how automation and media are changing the way we fight wars, it’s concerning to think that children are being given the impression that the military is like a video game,” Hendrix said. “Whether it’s drones or killer robots, the last thing we need is less humanity in war.”

Source: https://www.thenation.com/article/culture/military-recruitment-twitch/

 Carson Frame / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 10 July 2020

The Army is holding its first nationwide virtual recruiting campaign, after the COVID-19 pandemic forced it to scale back face-to-face interactions and revealed gaps in its digital outreach strategy.

As the coronavirus pandemic bloomed this spring, the Army reduced staff at many brick-and-mortar recruiting stations across the country. Enlistments slowed, fueling concerns that the service would have to extend the contracts of current soldiers in order to meet total force requirements.

Recruiters took their work remote, but lost out on some of the major recruitment opportunities that normally boost their numbers.

"That last moment before a senior leaves their high school-- typically we're there," said Staff Sgt. Kara Wilson, a station commander in West Texas. "We're helping them with support, finding them different avenues."

"However, we didn't have that moment this year, she said."

So Wilson and her team have had to build an online recruiting environment to reach those same young people. Apps like Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat have proven the most effective, and Wilson has designed new campaigns for each.

But not without a little help.

"I have teenagers at home," she said. "So they have kind of schooled me on many of these new platforms, which allows me to get after the Generation Zs."

Wilson's Instagram is overflowing with images related to fitness training, as she is a marathoner. She's also posted photos of herself and others at the start of their Army careers. Several images reference the service's 'What's Your Warrior?' ad campaign. In one image, Wilson reminds interested young people that they can interview for Army positions remotely, given COVID-19.

Wilson said one of her best engagement efforts was a 45-minute Instagram Live Q&A session about what it's like to be a soldier. She promoted it for weeks and posted a count-down to her feed. People viewed the video more than 300 times.

Wilson said the idea was inspired by her 14 year-old daughter, who was raised in the Army.

"She said, 'You know, mom, I'm your kid… But other people just see you as a soldier. So what if you did a meeting with somebody else? Maybe a friend of yours in the Army... and you guys did like a question-answer thing?'" Wilson remembered. "I thought, 'Wow, that's awesome.'"

Fitness challenges, e-sports tournaments, and video testimonials are other ways Army recruiters have tried to grab the attention of young people online.

Even before the pandemic, the Army was working to incorporate more digital outreach into its marketing. But it wasn't doing it especially well, according to Emma Moore, a researcher with the Military, Veterans, and Society program at the Center for a New American Security.

"The digital engagement was showing gains. But I would say from probably most other private company and marketing measures, it's been ad hoc," Moore said. "The Army is not set up to be incredibly flexible and responsive to changing their narrative or their marketing campaign."

That's a disadvantage in the digital space, where apps and communication platforms quickly evolve.

Wilson advocates decentralizing recruitment decision-making and authority, allowing regional recruiters to tailor their approach to specific communities and demographics.

"While I am encouraged by the fact that I'm seeing new types of outreach, via photos, videos, hashtags, it's still a little clunky. It still feels very Army," she said. "So I wonder about how to enable younger recruiters."

Starting in 2018, the Army began to back off from its top-down approach to recruiting, giving local recruiters more flexibility to design social media campaigns and adapt them to new platforms. It trains recruiters how to get more social media followers and encourages them to re-engage with enlistees whose contracts they've inked.

"With technology, there are innovations happening every day," said Maj. Gen. Frank Muth, head of the Army's recruiting command. "We've got to be able to not be so much a hierarchical organization that just validates the systems put into place, but be a network."

Enlistments are about 4,000 under the Army's stated goals for this time of year, Muth said. Following the issuance of stay-at-home orders in March, there was a dip in interest, and that setback is still being felt.

But interest from young people has slowly started to tick back up, according to Muth. He said the pandemic's full impact on recruitment is unclear. But he guesses that if joblessness hasn't gone down by fall, the Army will see a bump in people wanting to join.

Typically, when unemployment exceeds 6%, the military sees a surge of interest, especially from young people leaving high school and college.

Muth added that virtual outreach is here to stay, and that about 90 percent of the recruiting process can be done online.

"I think at the end of the day, what we'll find is that we may be able to reduce some of our recruiting force and reduce some of their brick and mortar."

This story was produced by the American Homefront Project, a public media collaboration that reports on American military life and veterans. Funding comes from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Source: https://americanhomefront.wunc.org/post/covid-19-has-forced-army-rethink-and-step-its-virtual-recruiting-efforts

 Jacobin / Parent Category: NNOMY / Articles 26 June 2020

AN INTERVIEW WITH
Nancy Cruz, Barbara Harris, Rick Jahnkow, and Seth Kershner | Originally Published in Jacobin Magazine on October 18, 2019

SK
The National Defense Act of 1916 created the Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (rotc), which operates at the university level, along with Junior rotc, which operates at the high school level. At first, JROTC was kind of like rotc’s unwanted stepchild. There were only a couple hundred JROTC units across the country until the mid-1960s.

The program really started to expand in earnest once the draft ended in 1973. Between 1971 and 1974, enrollment in Army JROTC increased by 21 percent, Air Force JROTC increased by 50 percent, and Navy JROTC increased by more than 100 percent. High schools became the answer to the Pentagon’s manpower problems.

BH
Anyone under the age of eighteen should not be recruited or be part of the military system. I believe this is a United Nations protocol, and in my view the United States doesn’t follow it.

SK
Resistance to military influence in education goes way back in the United States — even as far back as John Dewey, the philosopher celebrated as the father of progressive education, who was very involved in efforts to resist JROTC in the 1920s and 1930s. In 1917, at their national convention in St Louis, the Socialist Party called for “consistent propaganda against military training and militaristic teaching in the public schools,” and the party’s 1962 platform objected to rotc as “military conditioning inappropriate to education in a democracy.”

The term “counter-recruitment” was first coined in ’72 or ’73. Mostly, it was people from historic peace churches — Quakers and Mennonites — who were involved in those years, as well as people who wanted to continue their involvement in peace work following the end of the draft and the drawdown of hostilities in Vietnam.

RJ
During the Vietnam War, our analysis of militarism’s impact was fairly limited. Later on, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, some of us who had been around during the Vietnam War began to realize we needed a much broader analysis. We had to look beyond the impact of militarism on individuals and instead look at its impact on whole communities. This meant we had to look at where military recruiters are most present — schools in working-class neighborhoods.

SK
The Pentagon’s own research shows that, while JROTC doesn’t really improve academic outcomes, it works well as a turnstile for the armed forces. It’s obvious why the program is so strongly supported by the Pentagon: about 40 percent of students who spend at least three years in JROTC go into the military after graduation.

RJ
Instead of the legal draft we fought against during the Vietnam War, we started looking at the “poverty draft”: people being pushed into the military by their economic and social status. We realized pretty quickly that the poverty draft needed to be addressed differently than the legal draft. We couldn’t just go out and moralize about participation in war. We needed to actually offer something as an alternative to young people.

NC
Yes, the issue of school militarism is about access, about enabling youth to attend college or enter good, nonmilitary jobs. At Project YANO, we educate folks about training opportunities in skills such as plumbing — skills that can lead to union jobs. That’s a big part of my work now: to help people understand that trade unions also offer benefits. You don’t have to go join the military for that. You can be a plumber or a steelworker or an electrician.

BH
In the early 2010s, a lot of new recruiting centers were opening up in underserved neighborhoods in New York City. We demonstrated in front of those little recruiting centers with Veterans for Peace. Eventually, the armed forces got the numbers they wanted, so they packed up and closed their doors.

I have given public testimony at New York City Council Department of Education meetings lobbying for the elimination of the $1.5–1.6 million tax levy allocated for JROTC in the New York City education budget. More recently, I’ve met with New York City teachers, now members of the Retired Teachers Chapter of the United Federation of Teachers, who are concerned about the fact that JROTC instructors aren’t certified to teach in New York City public high schools, the cost of the program, the curriculum (which was developed by the Pentagon), and the display of rifles.

NC
I began to do counter-recruiting work in 2007, when I was in high school. I went to Mission Bay High School in San Diego. The military had a big presence at our school, doing regular recruitment. About 73 percent of the folks at Mission Bay were on free or reduced lunch. It was a predominantly working-class school. The school was predominantly people of color: about 63 percent of students identified as Hispanic, while only about 15 or 16 percent were white. Right before my senior year, the incoming principal reduced support for college preparatory and honors courses, and she brought in the JROTC program.

We took it very personally. I saw it as a personal challenge. I felt we were backtracking on a commitment, made in a previous year, that everyone should have the ability to go to college if that’s what they want to do. Here were these authority figures — administrators! — trying to decide what my future was going to be. A lot of students had a defiant attitude about that.

We leafleted during an open house to inform parents, and we were asked to leave the campus. We were kicked out. We also organized walkouts to bring attention to the military presence. Once, the vice principal followed us in a school police car, trying to intimidate people to leave the walkout and go back to school. But we still marched over to a recruitment station and vocalized our message: we didn’t want a military presence or recruiters on our campus.

Ultimately, we organized a boycott of the JROTC class because there was a requirement that JROTC had to maintain enrollment of more than one hundred students or 10 percent of the student body. If they fell below that threshold for two consecutive years, they would lose federal funding, and the program would have to close. At Mission Bay, we made sure their enrollment numbers were low for two consecutive years. Mission Bay no longer has a JROTC program.

RJ
It’s worth pointing out that, in this case, parents and students had to pressure the principal at that school to follow the law. The principal wanted to keep the program in place, despite it not meeting the minimum enrollment levels.

NC
Then there was the conversation about putting in the shooting range. At Mission Bay, there wasn’t enough classroom space to begin with — but they wanted to break down a wall in the school to turn two classrooms into a shooting range. We chose to take on the shooting range issue because it was very tangible. Our goal was to remove all the shooting ranges from the San Diego Unified School District — not just stop the creation of a new one at Mission Bay.

Many parents didn’t even know about the shooting ranges or marksmanship classes. We were able to get a lot of community members to come out in support. We were able to get media attention. Community groups sponsored buses to get students to school board meetings. It was very important that students were part of the decision-making at the school board level.

Ultimately, we were successful in getting rid of the shooting ranges at eleven schools in the San Diego Unified School District, after a two-year battle. They were all removed in 2009.

SK
It’s nearly impossible to dislodge an existing JROTC unit through a public campaign demanding its removal. Student boycotts, like the story Nancy told about Mission Bay High School, are really the most promising approach for forcing JROTC units to close down that we’ve seen in the past twenty or thirty years.

The War on Terror has made organizing against JROTC more difficult. There are units at roughly 3,400 high schools today, where fourteen- to seventeen-year-old students suit up, perform drills, and take classes under military officers. And there’s room to grow: in 2009, Congress approved the potential for increasing the program to 3,700 units. The various branches just haven’t set aside the funds to pull that off yet.

People are starting to realize that JROTC is saturating urban areas. One in every four public high schools in an urban area has a JROTC unit. In rural areas, it’s one in twenty. The rand Corporation, a major think tank, released a report in 2017 recommending that JROTC turn its focus to smaller high schools in rural areas. That could mean they’re headed to states that haven’t had a big JROTC presence before. Today, the majority of JROTC units are in the South — in South Carolina, for example, there are units at about 60 percent of high schools.

BH
Another concern is the “Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery” (ASVAB) test. The Department of Defense administers the test in schools throughout the country. Results of the test provide recruiters with personal and academic data for profiling and potential outreach to students. This information allows them to decide if they want to pursue a particular young person for recruitment. If a student’s profile meets a recruiter’s needs, he or she is often contacted by letter or phone call. Often, parents are completely unprepared to confront that kind of attention directed at their child from a recruiter. It’s very troubling.

The fact that each student’s ASVAB data automatically goes to the Department of Defense for profiling and recruiting is unacceptable. We want to change this procedure throughout New York State. New York City implemented a revised ASVAB directive in 2016 requiring the parent and student to sign and return an opt-in form, giving permission for ASVAB results to be shared with the military. We are working on implementing a similar ASVAB directive in the entire state, to ensure that families are in charge of their ASVAB data.

About eight years ago, I reached out to almost every guidance counselor in the state, asking what they knew about the ASVAB. Mostly, they couldn’t care less, which was quite interesting. They had so much on their plates. Progress was slow with them. And, of course, many of them have principals who are ex-military. I was surprised to find out how many retired military officers become high school principals.

SK
I think activists can be successful at preventing new JROTC units, but, of course, they have to know when and where new units are being proposed. In the 1990s, activists used Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests to get lists of schools that had been targeted for possible new JROTC units. We need to do the same thing today. That will give us a road map.

There are other weaknesses, too, like enrollment. To get federal funding, schools that have JROTC units have to keep enrollment above a certain minimum. Usually, no one notices when they fall below that minimum, so they carry on, in violation of the law. But, again, you can use FOIA to figure out enrollments at various schools, identify which units are under-enrolled, and push to get those eliminated.

RJ
The military’s involvement in public schools is not just for the purpose of recruiting bodies. It’s for recruiting minds as well.

The military’s values are being taught in schools across the country. That should scare anybody in this country who is dedicated to working for progressive social change. Those kinds of activities undermine our ability to mobilize people later on in life. That’s the greater danger than just having recruiters go to schools to fulfill enlistment quotas. It’s something we all have to be afraid of.

More resources on JROTC and school recruitment can be found at the website of the National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth: www.nnomy.org.

Source: https://www.jacobinmag.com/2019/08/dismantling-the-school-to-soldier-pipeline

 Jonah Walters / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 17 June 2020

Military recruiters understand that widespread joblessness is good for enlistment. They celebrate the arrival of “Sergeant Hard Times,” recognizing that misery is the best motivator.

The corona virus crisis has been a double-edged sword for military recruitment in the United States. On the one hand, the tightening of the labor market contributed to higher rates of retention than the Army brass expected, meaning that many soldiers decided to reenlist this spring rather than pursue civilian employment when their terms of service expired. On the other hand, recruiting stations across the country have had to shut down to comply with social distancing guidelines, limiting recruiters’ access to young people and inhibiting the “kneecap-to-kneecap” conversations recruiters widely acknowledge to be essential to their work.

Less than one percent of the Armed Forces’ target demographic — seventeen- to twenty-four-year-olds — is actively interested in a military career. After a “kneecap-to-kneecap” encounter with a recruiter, whether at a recruiting station or a school event, probability of enlistment climbs to more than 50 percent, according to the Army.

The reasons for this have been well-documented by anti-recruitment activists for decades. Recruiters, who are expected to meet regular enlistment quotas, aggressively pursue young people who express interest, generally attempting to separate them from parents, teachers, counselors, and others who might advocate for civilian careers.

Since the end of the Obama presidency, Army leaders have insisted upon the need for a 500,000 member Army, establishing quarterly recruitment benchmarks in an attempt to reach that goal. (Last year, there were about 470,000 active-duty Army soldiers, down from a recent peak of about 560,000 in 2010, during Obama’s Afghanistan surge.) The recruitment drive is part of an effort to transition the US military away from its focus on “small wars” and counterinsurgency efforts in preparation for a possible “great power” conflict with Russia or China.

The Army missed its recruiting goal by about 6,500 enlistments at the end of 2018, its first missed target since 2005, during the Iraq War. The Army responded by adding 770 new recruiters and forming virtual recruiting teams (VRTs) for each of its recruiting battalions nationwide. VRTs, which one colonel characterizes as “force multipliers,” are tasked with identifying possible recruits using social media.

The Pentagon also launched a national recruiting strategy dubbed “Focus 22,” which aims to shift the geography of recruitment away from Southern and Midwestern areas (many of which are experiencing population decline) and towards a list of twenty-three American cities with high numbers of black and Latino young people. (Presumably they added a city after determining the name of the initiative.) City governments have generally been quite happy to collaborate with military recruiters on this program.

In Baltimore, city officials opened all forty-four of the city’s public recreation centers to the armed forces, allowing the military to install its “March2Success” software on public computers. March2Success is a program that purports to assist students studying for college admissions tests; it also captures personal information and helps recruiters identify students to target for recruitment.

Perhaps most bizarrely, the Army developed a set of sixty-five neighborhood profiles, or “segmentations,” to assist recruiters in cities around the country with their messaging. The Army understands downtown Baltimore, for example, to be a “Modern Urban Mix” segmentation. Recruiters are reminded that, in segmentations such as this one, residents enjoy “urban adult contemporary music” and are interested in boxing.

The first year of Focus 22 was a success. More than 68,000 new recruits joined the ranks of the armed forces in 2019, with military officials acknowledging that student loan debt was likely the biggest factor driving military recruitment that year.

Focus 22 continues this year, although the ongoing coronavirus crisis poses significant barriers to normal recruiting techniques. The military has met the moment by transitioning to a detailed digital recruitment plan, intensifying its focus on social media outreach and taking advantage of school closures to promote March2Success to home learners.

The Marine Corps recently organized a truly bizarre virtual recruiting event, featuring Second Life-style avatars wandering clumsily around a digital job fair. The Pentagon also has big plans for its Army Esports Team, formed just last year as a possible outreach and recruiting engine.

It remains to be seen whether the armed forces will hit their benchmarks this year. It’s no secret that the Pentagon deliberately targets low-income black and Latino youth for recruitment, and that, especially in recent years, recruiters have begun to see poor neighborhoods in liberal cities as prizes ripe for the plucking.

The purpose of Focus 22, according to its Army architects, is to provide a pathway into military careers for young people in poor urban neighborhoods without a lot of employment options. Recruiters aim to accomplish this, in part, by introducing the military to people who have not yet encountered it as an institution in their everyday lives.

By my count, Army National Guardsmen deployed to assist police in repressing this month’s Black Lives Matter protests in fifteen of the Pentagon’s twenty-three target cities. (Cities where the National Guard deployed and that appear on the Pentagon’s list are Atlanta, Boston, Baltimore, Chicago, Cleveland, Dallas, Denver, Kansas City, Los Angeles, Minneapolis, Oklahoma City, Phoenix, Sacramento, Seattle, and St. Louis.)

After the events of the past month, young black residents of Minneapolis and other cities need no introduction to the military as an institution. Many of those who the Pentagon may have hoped to recruit this summer have by now already encountered the military — not in the form of a smiling recruiter (or his online avatar), but as a menacing interloper in their own neighborhoods.

Source: https://jacobinmag.com/2020/06/us-military-recruitment-protests-covid

Gary Ghirardi / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 15 June 2020

Back in May of 2020, I caught an interview on Pacifica's KPFK radio on a morning program where a young woman was explaining the loss of her aunt that was a nurse in a hospital engaging the Coronavirus. She recounted her aunt telling her that she was not provided with masks or gloves and that a patient had sneezed in her face a week prior to her falling ill. All this culminated with a Zoom meeting with the family saying goodbye before she died. Later that day I passed a local hospital that had placed a large banner on the street honoring our heroes that were fighting the current epidemic.

In my work for The National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth, I am constantly reminded of a similar refrain from those pushing back against our work of getting youth, with limited opportunities for their futures, to consider all the ramifications of serving in the United State's post 9/11 military. That push-back always invokes the heroic diatribes defending those who serve in our military branches and a forceful reminder of how dare we try to diminish the sacrifice of heroes who have served or are considering serving by revealing the harmful realities of military service. Of course we do not diminish their service but try to put it in context to a fuller and more accurate disclosure of what military recruiters manage to leave out of their enlistment appeals. The relationship between these two scenarios, and the contradictions inherent in both, stayed with me all week and encouraged this short OpEd.

What seemed so prescient to me was that both these health workers and young soldiers are asked to put themselves in harms way for the rest of us yet we seem to not strive, as a country, to provide them with adequate protections, compensation fitting the hazards they face, or sound governmental policies to avoid virulent pandemic or violent conflict and then we resort to platitudes of recognition rather than prioritize human concerns that could had made these situations less lethal. I think that our “essential workers,” our warriors included, are our expendables, that can be sacrificed to flawed planning and a lack of just and humanistic social principles without our society coming to terms with what has caused these deplorable conditions in the first place.

Our nation, as a culture, has consistently normalized and created cover for our injustices and have reduced terrible suffering to cliched and tired justifications for empty honors. Likely, for many of us individually, we are not comfortable with such representations but we have become collectively distant from the fallout of disasters that we don't own and perceive are outside our individual control including our endless and opaque wars.

Now, as we enter a perfect storm of a global pandemic and an economic disaster rivaling our pre-WWII depression, coupled with a shattering of our national political leadership heading into a circus of a presidential election, we seem to be approaching a difficult choice that needs to be enacted that the citizenry may lack the political will and organization to see through.

Are we prepared  to look in the mirror at our true national face, and make the changes so necessary to heal a very broken and dysfunctional country? To redirect the massive waste of resources expended for mounting militarism into human requirements like national healthcare, housing, and food security for nearly half of our population that are on the brink of insolvency with this crisis? Or will we use perpetual and escalated warfare to pull our economy up again as did happen seventy-five years ago? Based on the absence of a leader with the ability to make the kind of reforms needed to overcome the power of entrenched global economic interests that seem insurmountable at this point, the future looks uncertain.

If we choose the latter course and proceed with the expansion of the war economy, now launching into space, the price it will pay upon the poor and fledgling middle-class, in multiple nations, will make many more expendables in the process and may even bring our entire species and the others we share this planet with to an end. The stakes are that profound.

 Pat Elder / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles 07 / June 2020

COVID-19 has profoundly impacted the way the military finds new soldiers. The recruiting command was caught unprepared to face the pandemic and is facing a challenging new reality.

Military recruiting is an intense, psychological pursuit that has traditionally relied on the ability of recruiters to develop close relationships with teenage prospects. These relationships were cultivated in the nation’s high schools where recruiters enjoyed access to children. Recruiters served as coaches and tutors. They brought donuts to the faculty. They ate lunch with prospects, sometimes a hundred times in a single school year. Military recruiters played one-on-one basketball after school with potential recruits and became best of friends with some kids. So friendly, hundreds of male recruiters have been implicated in inappropriate sexual relationships with underaged girls.

High schools were the center of the recruiting universe, but that ended abruptly in March when the enlistment pipeline was ruptured. Recruiters enlisted seniors and placed them into the Delayed Entry Program (DEP) in which a student’s entry into active duty is postponed for up to 365 days. (The Army now calls it the Future Soldier Program.) The thrust of the DEP program is to maintain future soldier motivation while minimizing attrition. When DEP members report to basic training, they are accessed (enlisted) into active duty.

 There are actually two enlistment-processing actions: contracting into the DEP and accessing into active duty. It’s the second one that matters.

Youth take the Oath of Enlistment to enter the DEP. "I, _____, do solemnly swear that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; and that I will obey the orders of the President of the United States..”

The DEP is the core component of the military’s recruiting process. If DEP members change their minds and decide not to enter the military, they are allowed to leave with no adverse consequences. Once they stop responding to their recruiter and they are out. When recruits fail to report to boot camp they are discharged. “It’s like waking up from a nightmare,” one enlistee explained. There is a long history of abuse by recruiters and the command toward DEP members who quit, while many youths and their families are unaware of the non-binding nature of the DEP.

Before the pandemic, seniors in the DEP were encouraged to spend a significant amount of time with other DEP members and their recruiter who indoctrinated them into a military culture with drill and ceremony, lessons on the chain of command, and rank structure.

The recruiter’s close, personal involvement kept unpredictable youth from walking away. Impetuous teens who turn 18 often sign up without clearly thinking it through. While recruiting behavior in the nation’s high schools has become increasingly predatory, the American Public Health Association says there is significant evidence that the adolescent brain is not equipped to make accurate risk calculations. The kids often express ‘buyer’s remorse” so the job of the recruiter is not just to get seniors to sign up, but to keep them in the DEP until its time to ship to boot camp. This is precisely where the military is most vulnerable to the upheaval caused by the pandemic.

A study that analyzed data on over 1.3 million DEP participants from FY05 to FY12 found that attrition increases the longer a member is in the DEP, so it’s necessary for the branches to quickly move recruits who signed up earlier in the academic year to boot camp. Historically, almost half of those in the Army’s Future Soldier program are in the DEP for two or fewer months. Many sign up in April and May and they’re shipped to boot camp in June and July. Only 15% stay in the DEP 7 or more months.

The Army had the lowest DEP attrition rate among the services at 11.0%. In contrast, over 40% of Marine Corps and Navy DEP members stay 7 or more months and have average DEP attrition rates of 17.8% and 20.8% respectively. The Air Force, with over 60% of its DEP lengths between 3 and 6 months, averaged a 12.7% attrition rate.

The DOD does not provide the current strengths of the DEPs in each branch, although we know many seniors don’t make up their minds until the 4th academic quarter - and this year, the quarter was cancelled due to COVID-19, leaving the DEP in peril.

The absence of the command’s human touch and the uncertainties of reporting to boot camp amidst stories of outbreaks at the Army’s Fort Jackson, Fort Benning, Fort Leonard Wood, or Marine Corps Recruit Depot San Diego, and Recruit Depot Perris Island have caused many to think twice about reporting to boot camp. Naval recruiting is facing public concern over COVID-19 outbreaks on 40 ships, most notably, stories of a thousand infected sailors on the USS Teddy Roosevelt.

Mothers of youth in the DEP have reached out, expressing deep concerns, while many teenage recruits may be oblivious to the dangers or have not developed adult reasoning capabilities, as the American Public Health Association suggests. The moms have every reason to be worried.

More than 140 Army soldiers and trainees at Fort Benning, Ga., and more than 70 at Fort Leonard Wood, Mo., tested positive for the coronavirus, the Army reported in early June.

At the Marine Corps’ Parris Island Recruit Depot in South Carolina, where an outbreak has been reported, the recruits wore masks in the larger formations, but during some physical tests — even those where teamwork was required and social distancing impossible — the masks came off. Most of the drill instructors wore theirs at all times, as did visiting Defense Secretary Mark Esper and his entourage when he visited at the end of May, according to Stars and Stripes.

The Marine Corps is not reporting on the number of COVID-19 infections at Parris Island, which is located within the area of zip code 29902. Data from the S.C. Department of Health and Environmental Control on June 6th shows that 99 confirmed cases and 608 suspected cases have been reported in zip code 29902 since the pandemic began June 6, 2020.

Stars and Stripes, a critical source of information pertaining to the military, reports that all of the services have recently experienced drastic declines in the number of recruits they added to their DEPs. Maj. Gen. Frank Muth, Commanding General, U.S. Army Recruiting Command said he expects to face a shortfall at the end of May of about 3,100 recruits with signed contracts.

On March 18, the Army shut down public access to its 1,400 recruiting stations. Within a week, more than 20,000 military recruiters were left to their cell phones, computer screens, microphones, cameras., and detailed personal information on tens of millions of American youth. The DOD must sign up 150,000 annually to stay even with those leaving the service. Muth said his decision to shutter stations from the general public was about protecting his own people.

The Navy saw a 45% dip in qualified individuals expressing interest in March, 2020, compared to March, 2019. The Air Force also saw drops in recruiting in March and April. The Marine Corps saw a drop of about 25% in contacts with qualified individuals in March over the same month last year.

Gunnery Sgt. Justin Kronenberg, a spokesman for Marine Recruiting Command, told Stars and Stripes, “Our systematic recruiting process has always placed a premium on ‘kneecap to kneecap’ interaction between a recruiter and applicant, so it may be challenging to replicate this physical assessment of those wanting to become Marines solely through tech mediums.”

Almost half of Marine Corps accessions are 18-years old. Those who are age 20 and younger made up 83% of Marine Corps recruits, 65% in the Air Force and the Army; and 64% in the Navy.

For at least a decade the Army has been aware that the way it recruits lagged behind technological advances employed by more sophisticated corporate recruiters. But the military enjoyed a captive high school audience so recruiters were occupied by “hanging out” with potential recruits in high school parking lots or setting up booths during career days or giving out free tchotchkes in high school cafeterias. They weren’t lurking in game rooms and on social media to the degree they are now.

Recruits completed various physical activities such as running, push-ups etc. Recruiters nurtured students and provided guidance. They encouraged future soldiers to invite parents, family, and referrals to DEP events. They played video games and they had pizza together.

The recruiting command understands the “recruiter-applicant-influencer relationship” is a significant cause of DEP attrition. Put another way, Johnny’s girlfriend or his mom may not want him to enlist. In the pandemic world, these “influencers” may have more of an upper hand over the virtual recruiter.

The command says contact between the recruiter and the DEP member and his or her influencers must be “frequent, genuine, honest, and forthright.” Surely, social media affords the frequency, but may be lacking in its ability to project recruiters as being genuine, honest, and forthright.

Human interactions cannot automatically be replicated through machines.

Military recruiting has shifted from an intensely personal pursuit to a comparatively sterile online experience. Recruiters spend most of their digital days on social media. 18-year-olds often don’t “do” email, and rarely talk on the phone, while text messages are frequently ignored. The trick for recruiters is to engage the teens on video platforms like Instagram, Facetime, and Zoom where recruiters can hope to humanize the interaction and build trust.

Recruiters host huge gaming tournaments promoting “Call of Duty” which is built around the combat portion of belonging to the military. Recruiters hope its visceral appeal and ability to attract large, nationwide audiences will allow them to collect leads.

The Army’s Joint Base Lewis-McChord Morale Welfare and Recreation Program (JBLM MWR) hosts these tournaments. They are sponsored by the United Services Automobile Association (USAA) and used by the recruiting command to keep DEP members in the loop and to reach new prospects. Chat rooms discuss things like the necessary number of kills to initiate killstreaks, or how important organization and teamwork are. Recruiters lurk in chat rooms.

The Army recently announced it is loosening restrictions on how recruiters may use Facebook. The Army instructs its recruiters:

“You can use your personal Facebook page to become an admin of a fan page. Anybody who has admin rights to the fan page can grant you admin rights to the fan page; your information will not be shared on the fan page and no one outside of the page admins will know that you are an admin of the fan page. Determine your own privacy settings; these will not be violated if you are a fan page admin. Direct traffic to your fan page and keep your personal life separate from work. In addition, it is strongly suggested that you use “friends only” privacy settings on personal pages to protect your personal information.”

The U.S. government is surreptitiously spying on our children.

The laptops of recruiters are loaded with personal information on youth taken from social media sites. The information is merged with data from the DOD’s Joint Advertising Market Research and Studies Recruiting Database (JAMRS) and the result is staggering. The recruiter knows Johnny reads wrestling magazines, weighs 160, can bench press 180, drives a twelve-year-old Ford F150, and likes BTS and Kpop. And although they’ve never spoken, the local recruiter assigned to Johnny’s high school knows that Sam, his girlfriend, would love to see him enlist and that she loves Zendaya and they both enjoy kayaking. They even know Johnny’s mom doesn’t care much for Sam It sounds superfluous, but these kinds of details matter more today than ever. They provide a human connection before reaching out digitally.

Recruiters track DEP members and potential recruits on social media sites for signs of disqualification, like weight, tattoos, problems with education, drugs, or law enforcement. Army recruiters use FBI Live Scan capability to conduct quick-turn-around fingerprint checks. Important documentation like diplomas, birth certificates, and Social Security cards are all relayed electronically now. With the exception of the physical examination, everything is done virtually. Recruiters have become something like associates at credit card, health care, and insurance company call centers.

When direct, personal contact is necessary with the recruiting command the health of DEP members is jeopardized. The Army Combat Fitness Test, a critical component of the recruitment process, can’t be accomplished through a computer screen. During the 2-mile run, the Army says, a limited number of lanes will be made available to runners. The pushups test requires another individual to properly count repetitions, but the tracking person can count at a 6-foot distance. Soldiers will be required to wipe down each piece of exercise equipment with sanitizer after completing the corresponding test. The Army may eventually figure it out, but it is likely to be at the expense of the health of thousands of 18-year-olds along the way. The virus will exploit the weakest link in the Army’s chain of viral defenses.

Once the candidates ship to boot camp, they are quarantined for two weeks. After that, the Pentagon seems to be making it up as they go along. In early May the DOD said a recovered COVID-19 patient would be ineligible to join the military. The DOD reversed course shortly thereafter and said only recruits who had been hospitalized for COVID-19 would be banned. By the middle of May the DOD announced that recruits who have recovered will be examined by a physician to determine if there are long term effects.

The recruiting command is in serious trouble because large numbers of potential recruits and their families realize this is a terrible time to enlist.

Youth who sign up with the DEP are putting their health in jeopardy. The DOD’s decisions regarding Covid 19 will continue to be guided by its ability to fill the ranks.

Sources used for this article

 Bonnie J Caracciolo / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 02 June 2020

Bonnie J Caracciolo / Chelsea Uniting Against the War (CUAW) - For fourteen years a dedicated group of anti-war citizens in a working-class suburb of Boston, MA, has worked to inform high school students in their community, including their own children, about the perils of military recruitment. Chelsea Uniting Against the War (CUAW) convenes within the first week of the school year to distribute counter-recruitment flyers informing students of the risks of military service. They then follow up this activity by speaking with students one-on-one during school lunch breaks while distributing forms to opt out of school releases of student information to military recruiters. These lunchtime events occurred twice each year and were always preceded by a phone call to the principal’s office to determine an appropriate date. At no time did CUAW enter the school without prior notice.

This annual routine changed in the Spring of 2019 when CUAW showed up on the appointed date and was confronted by the newly-hired principal who told the members they were not going to be allowed to continue. CUAW members left the school without incident.

In September of last year (2019) a group of nine CUAW members assembled outside of Chelsea High School during the first week of school as it had done for the previous thirteen years, for the purpose of distributing a counter-recruitment flyer and to discuss the opt out form which is included in the school’s student handbook.

Shortly thereafter, a request was made for a meeting with the school superintendent for the purpose of revisiting the ban on access to the school.  Three times school officials set up a meeting, only to postpone it to a later date. Finally, a meeting was scheduled that included both the principal, the former AND new superintendents AND the city attorney for Chelsea. The meeting was confusing as none of the parties on the side of the city appeared to be in agreement and simply informed CUAW that regardless of the precedent that had been set in the past, CUAW was no longer welcome inside the school cafeteria. The former superintendent claimed that although she was aware of CUAW being inside the school she did not know why.  No one else spoke except the city’s attorney, who essentially said if CUAW can find a reason why it should be allowed inside the school for the purpose of counter-recruitment, we should let her know.

Well, that was the opening CUAW needed! With the help and guidance of Rick Jahnkow, researcher and consultant with the San Diego-based Project on Youth and Non-Military Opportunities (Project YANO*), a hastily organized conference call took place between San Diego and Chelsea. During this meeting, it was decided to craft a letter from CUAW to the city attorney. It would include copies of letters from the ACLU that had helped several other counter-recruitment groups achieve equal school access. The cover letter requested that the city attorney and school superintendent review and reconsider CUAW’s request to be allowed entry into the high school.

Once the letter’s delivery had been confirmed, a CUAW member visited the city attorney’s office and was told that she was unavailable, but that a response would be forthcoming.  This went on three more times when finally, on March 11, a letter from the Assistant City Attorney arrived via email, saying:

“We have reviewed your request for access to Chelsea High School and have come to the following conclusion. The Chelsea Public School District will allow Chelsea Uniting Against the War (CUAW) access to students on the same basis as that granted to military recruiters.”

The letter went on to describe the parameters to which CUAW must adhere, including activities limited to the school cafeteria during all four lunches and a restriction on posting material on walls. Otherwise, this was a victory that gave new vigor to counter-recruitment efforts at Chelsea High School.

*Project YANO has been doing youth education and school outreach since 1984.

#projectyano #counterrecruitment #cuaw #nnomypeace #militaryfreeschools

Source: http://www.comdsd.org/index.php/articles-archive/234-a-counter-recruitment-victory

 Elizabeth King / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 27 May 2020

Elizabeth King /Article Originally appeared in In These Times web edition in June 2019 -

A scrappy counter-recruitment movement is trying to starve the military of labor.

Out of the spotlight, dedicated counter-recruiters around the country are steadfast in their organizing to cut off the human supply chain to the U.S. military.

­Eighteen is the youngest age at which someone can join the U.S. military without their parents’ permission, yet the military markets itself to—which is to say recruits—children at much younger ages. This is in part accomplished by military recruiters who visit high schools around the country, recruiting children during career fairs and often setting up recruitment tables in cafeteri­as and hallways. As a result, most students in the U.S. will meet a military recruiter for the first time at just 17 years old, and children are getting exposed to military propaganda younger and younger.

The recruitment of young people to the military is as old as the military itself, and has become more and more normalized along with the general militarization of schools. According to the Urban Institute, more than two-thirds of public high school students attend schools where there are “school resource officers,” a name for school-based police. This police presences comes on top of the role of military recruiters on campuses, or at college and career fairs. 

Counter-recruitment surged in popularity during George W. Bush’s Iraq War, when the U.S. military ratcheted up recruitment for the war. But these days you don’t hear much about this movement, despite the fact that the U.S. is still engaged in brutal wars, from Yemen to Afghanistan, and the Trump administration has been threatening war with Iran. Out of the spotlight, dedicated counter-recruiters around the country are steadfast in their organizing to cut off the human supply chain to the U.S. military. U.S. wars have caused innumerable deaths, created long-term hardships in occupied nations, and cost trillions of dollars. Counter-recruitment, then, is about starving the military of the labor it needs to accomplish these destructive missions. When working with students, parents and school leadership, counter-recruiters focus on a variety of issues, including the negative personal consequences that come with being a soldier and broader problems like racism and U.S. imperialism.

Kate Connell, the director of the California counter-recruitment organization Truth in Recruitment, a parent, and a Quaker, tells In These Times that one reason counter-recruitment efforts are so overlooked these days is that U.S. casualties in Iraq and Afghanistan have fallen out of the news. “I think that's kind of what got people concerned and out in the streets” in the past, she says. Though this movement doesn’t get as much attention these days, organizers and activists say that counter-recruitment efforts remain critically important.

For the most part, activists who do counter-recruitment work in schools focus on matching or exceeding military recruiters in face-time with kids. Thanks to the No Child Left Behind Act, military recruiters are required to have the same level of access to students as college and career professionals who recruit in schools.

Hart Viges, a U.S. Army veteran who has been volunteering in counter-recruitment for around a decade and works with Sustainable Options for Youth-Austin (SOY-Austin), says his role is to educate children using interactive tabling in schools. The group brings t-shirts and a “peace wheel” the students can spin to learn more facts about the military. Children also get to discuss how they’d like taxpayer dollars spent. For example, they might discuss whether they want to spend billions on war, or allocate that money elsewhere. Viges is blunt with them about what life will be like after time spent in the military.

“I ask them, ‘Do you like fireworks?’” Viges says. When they respond yes, he explains, “you won’t like them anymore” after coming back from a war. He tells them the realities of living with post-traumatic stress disorder brought about by combat, and how it does lasting damage to veterans. Being real with children about the military has proven effective for Viges. “There's so many wins in counter recruitment I feel,” he adds. “I talk to kids who are thinking about joining and I tell them the realities of it, and you can see their minds start to change… With politicians it's like a stalemate, but counter-recruitment is like a punch in the gut that will topple the military industrial complex.” Hart also talks to children about other issues connected to the military industrial complex that concerns them, such as war in general, racism, sexism and climate change.

Youth are active in this work, too. Jenny, a 16-year-old incoming junior at Santa Maria High School in California, interns with Truth in Recruitment. She tells In These Times that she got involved with the organization after a friend told her it would be a good way to stand up for herself and her peers who are frequently visited by military recruiters at school.

When she started high school, Jenny says she noticed that the military recruiters frequented her school, but other opportunities for students post-high school were not well represented. “I thought this was a problem, especially since the majority of us are students of color and I thought that we were being disproportionately targeted because we are people of color,” she says.

Angel further notes that many students at her school are undocumented, and she noticed that military recruiters were telling her peers distorted information about the benefits of military service based on their undocumented status. She says that after speaking to military recruiters, a number of her peers have said that they were promised they would get U.S. citizenship if they served in the military. While there is some pathway for non-citizens who serve in the military to become naturalized, this is not a guaranteed benefit. In fact, the U.S. government has a history of deporting foreign nationals who were employed by the military. “I always have to correct them because I don't want them to join and not know the full truth about it,” Angel says. “We wouldn't be seeing these things at schools rich, white students attend.”

The military does, in fact, tend to recruit in poor and working class communities, especially among Black and Latinx youth. The strategy of targeting poor, working-class, and Black and Latinx people for military conscription is known as the “poverty draft.” The tactics of this strategy can be seen in military recruitment efforts at schools like Santa Maria High School where Angel attends, and is evident in studies on the socioeconomic status of people who fought in recent US wars. According to a 2016 study out of Boston University and the University of Minnesota Law School, “Today, unlike in World War II, the Americans who die or are wounded in war are disproportionately coming from poorer parts of the country.”

Connell, the Truth in Recruitment director, says that the tactics used by military recruiters on children are “very much a grooming process.” She notes that branches of the military operate social media accounts, where they will follow and communicate with students who are potentially interested in joining up. In this way, recruiters have direct, unsupervised access to young teens, who may or not be discussing recruitment efforts with trusted adults in their lives. This type of behavior, Connell says, is “inappropriate.”

Still, the presence of the military in schools has become normalized. “I feel that the idea that the military is an untouchable subject as far as criticism or cutting the budget, [makes counter-recruitment] a really tricky conversation to have, so people avoid it.” The institutional power and not to mention funding and broad support that the military has makes counter-recruitment a challenge.

But the group has seen concrete results from their organizing and advocacy. Working with students, parents, and school and district leadership in Santa Barbara in 2014, Truth in Recruitment was able to convince the district to create better resources for parents to more easily opt their students out of having their information shared with military recruiters.

Though counter-recruitment is perhaps not as prominent as it was more than a decade ago, organizers in this field are unequivocal about the need to support students by offering alternatives to the military, such as college or the workforce. As the military continues to target children, especially in low-income and Black and Latinx communities, counter-recruiters will continue to work with children and their care-takers to offer safer, more dignified options for life after high school.

Source: https://inthesetimes.com/article/21937/war-military-counter-recruitment-education-schools-youth

Edward Hasbrouck / Parent Category: NNOMY / Articles 04 April 2020

On March 25, the National Commission on Military, National, and Public Service (NCMNPS), after a three-year charade of stage-managed and largely one-sided public events accompanied by closed-door meetings and negotiations among the members of the Commission, released its final report. It recommends that Congress amend the Military Selective Service Act to require that young women, as well as young men, register for the draft when they reach age 18, and inform the Selective Service System each time they change their address until their 26th birthday.

The Commission's recommendations with respect to Selective Service registration are such a naïve fantasy, completely unfeasible and with no foundation in research or reality. The Commission kept its head firmly in the sand, carefully avoiding any inquiry into whether or how the current (unenforced and widely violated) registration requirement for men, much less an expanded registration requirement applicable also to women, could be enforced.

In the report’s 255 pages, there's no mention at all of compliance or noncompliance with draft registration. There's been no audit of the registration database since 1982, and the Commission didn't conduct or ask for one.

The Department of Justice is, and would remain, responsible for enforcement of the registration requirement; but nobody has been prosecuted for non registration since 1986, and in the years that have followed, the DoJ has made neither any estimate of the numbers of violators nor any plan or budget for how to identify, investigate, find, arrest, prosecute, or incarcerate them.

A preliminary report the NCMNPS received from the Department of Justice didn't mention enforcement, and the Commission didn't bother to follow up with the DoJ about the omission. The Commissioners went to extreme lengths to avoid asking any questions about compliance, noncompliance, enforcement, or feasibility, because they knew that even cursory research into these questions would make clear that draft registration of men has failed, and that trying to register women would be even more of a failure.

According to a statement from peace and antidraft organizations and activists, including antiwar feminists:

The issue is not whether women should have to register for the draft, but whether the government should be planning or preparing to draft, anyone.

Congress should end draft registration for all, not try to expand it to young women as well as young men.

H.R. 5492 [introduced by representatives Peter DeFazio and Rodney Davis] would end the current contingency planning for a future draft as well as draft registration, and would end all sanctions against those who didn't register. That's the appropriate choice for Congress and the American public.

The NCMNPS was directed by Congress to consider the "feasibility" of any draft. But registering or drafting women would not be feasible in the face of the likely widespread noncompliance. Women and men will join in resistance to any attempt to expand draft registration, or plans for a draft, to women.

Draft registration for men failed: criminal enforcement had to be abandoned decades ago in the face of pervasive noncompliance. Even the former Director of the Selective Service System testified to the NCMNPS that the current Selective Service System database is "less than useless" as the basis for a draft. Trying to draft women or get them to register to be drafted would be even more of a fiasco.

Congress is under no legal obligation and has no deadline to consider the recommendations made today by the NCMNPS. But if Congress does nothing, draft registration is likely to be ended before long by court order. So Congress is likely to consider both the Commission's recommendations and the alternative of H.R. 5492 either later this year or at the latest in 2021.

The issue isn't likely to come to head in Congress for months, but it's important to start mobilizing opposition and raising awareness now that this debate is going to happen. The government doesn't readily admit failure or acknowledge that the willingness of the people to comply with its orders places limits on what it can do. The decisive factor is likely to be whether, when the time comes for Congress to vote on whether to end draft registration or extend it to women, members of Congress see sufficient visible evidence that young women -- as young men have done, but probably in even larger numbers -- will resist if the government tries to draft them or get them to register to be drafted, and that many older people will support them in that resistance.

Source: http://comdsd.org/index.php/articles-archive/232-national-commission-report

 Rolando Zenteno / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 14 February 2020

by Rolando Zenteno / Facing South - Since the U.S. ended the draft in 1973, young adults from Southern states* have been overrepresented among new military recruits. In fact, the region has been in a league of its own in terms of military recruitment since the late 20th century, with no other region experiencing as wide a disparity in military representation.

The disproportionate presence of new military recruits from the South can be understood by looking at the region's "representation ratio": its share of new recruits divided by its share of the U.S. young adult population. A ratio of 1 means a state's share of new recruits is equal to its share of the U.S. young adult population between the ages of 18 and 24, the typical age range for new enlistees. A ratio of less than 1 means a state is providing fewer recruits than might be expected given its young adult population, while a ratio of more than 1 means it's providing more than its fair share.

The South's ratio has barely budged since the 1990s.

According to fiscal year 2017 data, the most recent available, the South's share of the U.S. young adult population was 33 percent, but it provided 41 percent of new military enlistees nationwide. As a result, the region's representation ratio is 1.2, which means it provided 20 percent more military recruits than might be expected given its young adult population.

It's a very different story for South Carolina, whose contribution of new military recruits outweighs its share of the U.S. young adult population by more than 50 percent. Only four Southern states have a representation ratio of less than 1: Louisiana, Mississippi, Kentucky and West Virginia. Florida's and Georgia's contribution of military recruits exceeds their share of the young adult population by 30 percent, putting them among the five states most overrepresented among new recruits.

Explaining the disparities

There have been efforts to understand why the South is so disproportionately represented among U.S. military recruits.

A 2018 study by the Institute for Defense Analyses (IDA), which provides the U.S. government with research, looked at variables that could help predict how much of a state's young adult population would enlist in the military. Among the variables it analyzed was how a census region's young adult unemployment rate would affect its military enlistments. But for the South, the unemployment rate had the least impact on military recruitment numbers among all of the regions.

The IDA found a factor with a strong impact on military recruitment: the concentration of veterans in a given area. Per the study, veteran presence can translate to a parent, mentor, or coach who served influencing a young adult's choice to enlist.

Adjusting for several variables, the study found that about an 8 percentage point increase in an area's veteran population in the 35 to 54 age range could boost enlistments from about five recruits per 1,000 young adults to about six.

And then there is the influence of active duty military members. More than a third of them live in an area of the South stretching from Florida through Georgia and the Carolinas to Virginia.

The military itself acknowledges that proximity and personal ties to service members can influence enlistment decisions.

"We know that the larger presence of military bases in the South and having a family member who's served are both factors contributing to a person's decision to serve," Lisa Ferguson, media relations chief at the U.S. Army Recruiting Command, told Facing South in an email. "We also know that 79 percent of recruits have a relative who's served, which points back to a familiarity with the lifestyle and a higher propensity to consider the military for a career."

Such was the case for Eric Padró of Clarksville,Tennessee, who joined the Air Force after college. Facing South interviewed him via Facebook.

"My influence to join was my family's history of military service," wrote Padró, whose brother, father, and both grandfathers served in the military. "I knew I wanted to join the Air Force around sophomore year of high school."

A family affair

The military's concentrated presence in the South is driving recruitment — often from the same families.

Data from the Joint Advertising Marketing Research and Studies, which is responsible for Department of Defense recruitment research, shows the military is consistently looking inward for recruitment. The percent of new recruits who say they have a family member who served in the military has hovered above 75 percent since 2012.

In the Army, the military's largest branch, more and more new recruits are coming "from the same small number of counties and are the children of old recruits," as the New York Times recently reported. Many of the counties rich in Army recruits are in the South, stretching across large swaths of Florida, Alabama, Georgia and the Carolinas.

"A strong predictor of whether you will join the military is whether your friends and family are joining the military," Peter Feaver, a political science professor at Duke University, who served on the National Security Council staff under Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush, told Facing South in an email. "The large military communities in the South thus contribute to and reinforce this pattern of over-representation."

* Facing South counts the following states as part of the region: Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Florida, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, Virginia, and West Virginia

Rolando Zenteno is the inaugural recipient of the Julian Bond Fellowship with Facing South.

Source: https://www.facingsouth.org/2020/01/understanding-souths-unequal-contribution-military-recruits

 Taylor Allen (Colorado Public Radio) / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 06 December 2019

Taylor Allen / Colorado Public Radio -  The main source of light in this dim, warehouse-sized room in suburban Denver comes from rows of screens. Each panel shows fast-paced military action — camouflaged soldiers swarming a city or special operations forces securing a target.

One of the figures hunched over a computer in the darkness huffs in disappointment.

"I've died like four times in three missions," said 17-year-old Gavin Gains.

Even though he wasn't dominating the brand new "Call of Duty: Modern Warfare" game, Gains attracted the attention of the event's sponsors - the U.S. Army. The office held this release party for the new game at an esports venue called Localhost Arena. Anyone who came to the party was able to play the new game as long as he or she also spoke to Army recruiters.

"This is the targeted demographic - these young men and women that came out here to play the esports," said Sgt. Vincent Cruz, an Army recruiter.

The Army has turned to esports, along with other new marketing strategies, in an attempt to make military service more appealing to young people. Cruz says video games are a way for the Army to connect with more people. It has even created its own professional esports team, which has become part of Cruz's pitch.

Cruz said the military wants to, "Reach out to these men and women and show them that 'Hey, you can actually do this in the Army and get paid by the way.'" The Army calls its esports efforts "some of the highest lead-generating events in the history of the all-volunteer force."

For the past three years, the Army regional recruiting office that serves Denver has hit only about 80 percent of its recruiting goals. Nationally, the Army fell 6000 troops short of its goal last year. This year, the Army set a lower goal and met it. But military leaders say the old ways to attract potential recruits aren't working the way they used to. More modern tactics are called for, like hosting an event at the Localhost Arena in Lakewood or starting a professional esports team.

"Phone calls and text messages are not the way to go," Cruz said.

Localhost Arena General Manager James Love said the staff was surprised when the Army showed up and said they wanted to collaborate on an event.

"I got some sideways glances." Love said. "Most people said 'Yes, we would love that.'"

The partnership is mutually beneficial. The Army wants to recruit, and Love wants the business to grow and attract players.

"There are gamers and nerds in the Army," he said. "There are gamers and nerds down the street. We want them all in here playing as a community because we want to show people just how diverse we are."

That's part of the Army's goal too - to show that it's not all boot camp and buzz cuts. It wants to persuade recruits that there's a fun side to the military, too.

Gains isn't ready for college yet, but he's fairly certain he wants to join the military. The biggest reason is a sense of community.

"It's always just been a big motivator for me is just having somewhere I belong," he said. "I like the military because you may not necessarily like everyone, but you know they have your back."

Michelle Alcantar, 17, is a new recruit. She expects to graduate from high school at the end of this semester and be off to boot camp in Oklahoma by summer. She got into video games through her brother-in-law, who is also in the Army.

Both gaming and the military are stereotypically seen as male. She's proud to be a woman involved in both.

"To me, it's really special because not a lot of women, I feel like, are represented in the Army," Alcantar said. "I feel like it's such a power move for women just because we can do the same thing men can, and we're finally allowed to do that after years that we couldn't."

Alcantar also won a raffle at the recruitment game night. She went home with a brand new copy of the game.

The recruiters won too. Out of about 110 people who attended the party, the military gained 35 leads.

This story was produced by the American Homefront Project, a public media collaboration that reports on American military life and veterans. Funding comes from the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

Source: https://www.northcountrypublicradio.org/news/story/40083/20191206/army-recruitment-today-is-less-quot-be-all-you-can-be-quot-and-more-quot-call-of-duty-quot

 Gary Ghirardi / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 23 November 2019

The 750 retired admirals, generals, and other top military leaders who are members of Mission: Readiness recognize that the strength of our country depends on a strong military. Since 2009, Mission: Readiness has championed evidence-based, bipartisan state and federal public policy solutions that are proven to prepare our youth for life and to be able to serve their nation in any way they choose. 

OpEd: Gary David Ghirardi, National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth -

Mission: Readiness, a project ostensibly of the Pentagon, has just celebrated its tenth year of entering our nations preschools to promote the health and qualification of “children at risk” to be eligible to enter military service in fourteen years to fifteen years when they reach the age of legal military enlistment.  This program, which is one of five components of The Council For a Strong America, is a bipartisan effort by supporting Democratic and Republican policy makers and retired military elites to shepherd these youth into productive outcomes in opposition to what is being represented as an epidemic of bad health, crime, drug addiction and sub-literacy.

Mission: Readiness, in its initial incarnation, posited that the state of American youth was a “national security issue,” meaning that enlistment aged youth, due to inadequate health, educational deficits,  criminal records, and drug addiction, deprived the military of qualified candidates for military service. In subsequent years, the message was toned down to pose the issue as one of being “citizen ready” and now has morphed into five individually emphasized programs encompassing crime interdiction, military readiness, prepared workforce, physical preparedness and religious grounding, now being spearheaded by evangelicals to strengthen family and community ties.

Much of what is being expressed are ideas supportable aside from political or philosophical differences: We should want the best for our children and youth and want them to be healthy of mind and body and yet, coming from the perspective of peace communities, we need to ask and ultimately challenge, why should laudable goals be usurped by the Pentagon with its egregious history of national and international human rights violations and exposing its own soldiers to physical, social, and mental health threats?

We have seen in the current administration the elimination of school food programs for our poorest school students and yet have the military, through the Council for a Strong America, promoting concern for student health in their developmental diet. There seems to be a systematic shifting of resources from the civilian sector to the military one, as we see increasing budgets for military programs and  diminishing civilian investments for those most vulnerable to the vicissitudes of our market based economy.

In 2014, The National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth initiated a  A National Call: Save Civilian Education, warning of the convergence of “the Pentagon, conservative forces, and corporations systematically working to expand their presence in the K-12 learning environment and public institutions of higher education.

Alarms were sounded on this increasing trend and little attention garnered outside of a few progressive media channels. With these trends continuing, are we experiencing a final shift away from civilian based assistance for those most vulnerable, and a cycling and re-education of marginalized communities into a permanent and dedicated military class?

With the counter military recruitment movement, also ten years beyond its peak of activism and now settling into an uncertain and challenged practice of groups facing the rapidly advancing onslaught of a well funded and youth focused military recruitment outreach from the Pentagon, there needs to come a recognition to encounter our youth at the same ages as does the Pentagon.  The counter-recruitment community needs to also struggle to make our case that the types of programs that encourage healthy youth, intellectually and physically, need to come from those institutions that are tasked, in the civilian mold, with developing healthy children, not as a national security issue, but rather on a humanitarian basis.

We cannot allow the military to have unlimited and unregulated access to the development of our children. We need to form our youth for a peaceful world and break away from a permanent war culture that invokes the national interest being that of those corporations that currently drive and profit from our militarized and securitized economy. Demilitarization activists must also challenge a militarized form of Evangelical Christianity, and its allied cohorts, that seek to hide their true justifications beneath a moralizing cover of religious righteousness.

There needs to rise a new generation of activists that will challenge this Military and Educational Complex, drawing on the progressive roots and tendencies that exist within our teachers unions and in our historical peace churches and communities of consciousness to not let this issue slip away in the plethora of issues facing our survival from a rapacious corporatist national order that has supplanted the commons.

The military does not belong in our schools forming our children, citizenry, and least of all re-configuring our fledgling democracy.

Leila Ettachfini / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 31 October 2019

“Debt is a form of social control. You can force people to do all kinds of things if you put them in debt first."

Leila Ettachfini / VICE - The U.S. Army has already achieved its recruiting goal this year, after falling short about 6,500 recruits in 2018. At the Pentagon this week, the head of Army Recruiting Command Maj. Gen. Frank Muth attributed the success to America’s crippling student debt crisis.

While the Department of Defense’s 2019 budget is $686 billion, that number is less than half of the collective student debt in America, which surpassed $1.5 trillion this year. “One of the national crises right now is student loans, so $31,000 is [about] the average,” Muth told reporters. “You can get out [of the Army] after four years, 100 percent paid for state college anywhere in the United States."

Though people have long used the Army as a means out of poverty and to earn an education, the Department of Defense has historically used patriotism or a sense of duty to urge people to enlist, but after a revamp in the recruiting process this year, Muth said that wars abroad were “not really part of the discussion” when speaking to potential soldiers. The Army’s new recruiting strategy relies, in part, on social media messaging, like this tweet from Army recruiters in Chicago:

“#PleaseAWomanIn5Words (or man). I'll pay your student loans! #ArmyTeamChicago”

Many have condemned the new strategy, including Georgia Parke, a communications director for Bernie Sanders. “But if we cancel student debt who will fight the endless wars?” she tweeted in response to the news. America’s longest-running war is in Afghanistan, which has been underway since 2001, with about 14,000 service members currently deployed there, according to the Department of Defense.

Thomas Gokey, an organizer with the Debt Collective, an organization of activists working toward debt cancellation, also believes that the Army’s use of offering help with student debt in exchange for enlisting is harmful. “Debt is a form of social control,” he said. “You can force people to do all kinds of things if you put them in debt first, including waging unjust wars, killing and hurting other people, and risking [their] own life and limbs.” Gokey also points out that colleges often benefit immensely from the GI Bill financially, giving them incentive to support recruitment on campus.

In addition to help with tuition and loans, Army recruits cite job stability, pay, health benefits, family history, and other factors as common reasons for enlisting.

Asked if he thinks the military’s recruitment strategy is ethical, Gokey said, “Since when has the U.S. Army cared about ethics?”

Source: https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/ne833d/the-army-beat-its-recruitment-goals-this-year-by-targeting-students-in-debt

Kate Connell / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 24 October 2019

Dear Friends of Truth in Recruitment,

Thank you everyone who attended Truth in Recruitment's (TIR) Summit on Youth and the Military on October 12! It was a big success, and your participation means a lot to us. We hope that you gained more understanding of the Selective Service System, military recruitment in local schools, as well as the issues of deported veterans, and that you found the discussion helpful and informative.

At a Santa Maria High School career fair this October, students reported that all branches of the military were represented but only community college Allan Hancock had a table. No four-year universities or colleges were present. With this in mind, please save the date to give public comment at the next Santa Maria Joint Union High School District school board meeting on Tuesday, November 12, 6:30-8pm. Through our organizing, we will advocate for a balance of information on students’ post-secondary options, and for the SMJUHSD to be more receptive to the community needs.

A special thanks to our volunteers, sponsors, speakers, and resource tablers! Included in this group are the TIR Steering Committee, Future Leaders of America, House of Pride and Equality, Importa, California Rural Legal Assistance, Lideres Campesinas, Fund for Santa Barbara, McCune Foundation, Central Coast Alliance for a Sustainable Economy, Santa Barbara County Action Network, Veterans for Peace Santa Barbara, Santa Maria High School students and teachers, Just Communities, Santa Maria Public Library, Robert Vivar and other members of the Unified U.S. Deported Veterans Support House, Edward Hasbrouck of www.resisters.info, Monisha Rios, U.S. army veteran and TIR activist, Pat Alviso of Military Families Speak Yours in peace,

Kate Connell

P.S. Your support helps Truth in Recruitment provide balanced information on the military to students, families and entire communities in Santa Maria. On behalf of our organization and all those who benefit, thank you so much for your support!

Truth in Recruitment (TIR) is a project of the Santa Barbara Friends (Quaker) Meeting, a 501(c)3 nonprofit. Our goal is to educate students, families, and school districts about alternatives to military careers, inform families of their children's privacy rights, and advocate for policies regulating recruiter presence on campuses.

Click DONATE to make a donation today!

Zander, Pioneer Valley High School alumnus, and TIR student interns; Alicia, emcee, and Jenny, panelist.

https://truthinrecruitment.org/

Bonnie J. Caracciolo / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 12 October 2019 

Bonnie J. Caracciolo, Chelsea Uniting Against the War (CUAW) - On September 9, 2019 members and supporters of Chelsea Uniting Against the War (CUAW) greeted students on their way to school. CUAW was there to inform students about their right to opt out from having their personal information given to military recruiters.

Since 2001 and the No Child Left Behind Act along with the 2002 National Defense Authorization Act- both which provided for the presence of military recruiters in middle- and high-schools - young people have become vulnerable targets.

The group distributed over 1000 leaflets describing the facts about military enlistment including information on homelessness among veterans along with other serious issues. One in ten homeless people in the US is a military veteran. (2019) Additionally, 150 opt out forms were handed out.

Chelsea High School is in a mostly immigrant, working-class neighborhood near Boston, MA. Current enrollment is 1,335 students in 9th through 12th grade.

Each of the activists spoke to several students who knew about the opt out forms and had already signed them.

CUAW funds their activities in a number of ways including a yearly Bowl-A-Thon for Peace and other events which bring the tight knit community together and introduce their younger neighbors to these actions. Due to the profile of the community, all materials are in both English and Spanish. 

CUAW funds its activities in a number of ways including an upcoming Bowl for Peace/Boliche Por La Paz. This effort brings the community together. Plans are already underway to bring this message to other high schools which are actively targeted by recruiters. 

Young Vanguard / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 15 September 2019 

Young Vanguard, The Militant, Vol. III No. 10, 8 March 1930 - A new feature in the militarization of the American youth is taking place in New York. This act, in face of the recent London Conference, and all other peace and disarmament negotiations, belies the attempts of this government to appear as a promoter of peace. A bill has been introduced into the New York State Legislature calling for the conscription of all students between, the ages of 10 and 18 to compulsory military training.

To avoid resentment to this open attempt at making soldiers of the American youth the bill states in its title that it is “Instruction in boy scout training and kindred subjects”. But even such a covering fails to hide the fact that the aim and purpose of this bill is the preparation of cannon fodder for the coming war. As in all forms of military service, the weak and sick are eliminated, and the best physically are allowed the “privilege” of participation, which in this instant would mean compulsion to service.

The bill if passed would mean that all students, regardless of attendance at private or public schools would be forced to wear the uniform, take 30 minutes drill daily, and special training during the holidays, and summer vacation periods.

Need of Mass Movement

The passing of such a bill would necessarily set a precedent that would undoubtedly be pursued in other states. At the present moment only the Teachers Union of the State has protested against “this attempt to exploit the children of the state and thus keep alive the institution of militarism”. That however, is far from sufficient.

This particular attempt of the state of New York must be linked with the whole attempt at militarization of the youth In preparation of war. The struggle against war and militarization must be made a mass movement of protest and struggle. To effectively carry out such a struggle, only the Communist and class conscious workers leading the mass of workers can be relied upon. It demands effective organization and propaganda – a feature that is entirely lacking in the revolutionary movement in this country.

The present move on the part of the militarist strata must be viewed as part of the general war manoeuvers, and which will be more and more aimed at a war by the capitalist powers against the Workers Republic of the Soviet Union. Pictured in that light, the fight of the workers must be linked together with the general struggle against war and the brutal exploitation of the capitalist system. The present act is a warning to the working class of what to expect in the near future. It is a forerunner to the further preparation for war thru the attempt at complete militarization, not only of the working class and student youth, but of the whole industrial system of the country.

Source: https://www.marxists.org/history/etol/writers/glotzer/1930/03/milyouth.htm 

 Alex N. Press / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 15 September 2019

How Rory Fanning went from Army Ranger to war resister (and counter-recruiter).

Alex N. Press / Jacobin - In a high school classroom on the South Side of Chicago, Rory Fanning is telling students about the time he and his fellow Army Rangers occupied a school in Afghanistan. “We walked in and said, ‘School’s canceled, we’re going to use this as a military base for the next six weeks.’ There was nothing they could do about it.”

Sometimes, after abducting locals for reasons as thin as not showing enough deference to soldiers, his superiors would place their detainees in separate classrooms and fire a gun somewhere out of sight so that each detainee would think the other had been shot. At that point, says Fanning, “We’d walk into the rooms where each person was and say, ‘Your friend didn’t tell us what we wanted to hear. Do you have anything we want to hear?’ This is how we got information. These are things I watched.”

It’s June 2019; the so-called War on Terror has been going on since before any of the students in the room were born. Fanning is presenting his story — how he went from volunteer enlistee to conscientious objector — to three classes this morning. He’s doing what’s known as “counter-recruitment.” The US military spends more than a billion dollars a year to draw enlistees to what has been, since 1973, an all-volunteer force. The gigantic institution employs around ten thousand recruiters, and thanks to the No Child Left Behind Act, they receive the same access to students as college recruiters. The odds are certainly not in Fanning’s favor.

Rather than finger-wagging to teenagers, telling them they cannot enlist, Fanning insists he simply wants them to know what they’re signing up for. After all, as he tells the class, the military is no regular job — if you try to quit, you can be sent to jail, or, at least historically, killed (“Your manager at Pizza Hut certainly doesn’t have that kind of power,” he says). His aim is to fill in the parts of the military experience that go unmentioned by recruiters — such as the fact that most of those killed in war are civilians, and that unlike Call of Duty, you can never turn off your memories of war.

The school we’re in has a particularly active Junior Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (JROTC) program, and men in uniform pass by in the hall between class periods as Fanning hangs back, talking with the teacher who invited him to speak today. The military emphasizes JROTC’s role in “character development” rather than as a recruiting vehicle, but almost half of JROTC cadets go on to enlist.

Fanning enlisted in the Army Rangers shortly after 9/11 — the Rangers were having a particularly good year thanks to Ridley Scott’s Black Hawk Down, a film depicting the regiment bloodletting in the Battle of Mogadishu. He had recently finished college and felt it wasn’t right that eighteen-year-olds, barely adults, were going to be the ones signing up to fight. Plus, he tells the class, he wanted to “prevent another 9/11.”

Despite Fanning’s desire to do good in the world — and maybe have his student debt paid off, too — it didn’t take long for him to come to a different view of the military. “I was expecting bullets to be whizzing by my head when I landed in Afghanistan,” he tells the students, “but when the sun came up the next day, all I saw was unbelievable amounts of poverty. I felt like a bully.”

Later, while cooking dinner for his family at his home in a Chicago suburb, Fanning will recount a common excursion for his unit: they would land a helicopter in someone’s front yard, enter a home to the sound of screaming children, and kidnap someone on what (Fanning only later realized) was usually worthless “intelligence.” “I never put a bag over someone’s head, but I watched a Navy seal do it, and [I] helped handcuff and carry the guy. You have no idea who the guy is. He’s breathing heavily, and you’re watching the green bag — it’s like a sandbag, abrasive — going in and out and wondering what’s going on in his brain. You just stare at this guy as we fly off into the night. And he’s — [pants, as if suffocating] — he has no idea if he’s going to be interrogated or killed or what, and then we go back to bed.”

“What I was doing in Afghanistan was making the world more dangerous,” he says. So he decided to become a war resister, seeking — and eventually obtaining — conscientious objector status, a rarity in Special Operations, especially at this early stage of the post-9/11 wars.

But Fanning’s act of protest rendered him persona non grata among the Rangers, banished for “abandoning” his fellow soldier. “For six months, I was on lockdown while they figured out what to do with me,” he says. “All my friends and the chain of command put me on punishment detail, and they just ridiculed me.”

No one would speak to him — unbreakable bonds of war be damned — save for two brothers: Pat and Kevin Tillman. Pat was famous, having left a $3.6 million contract with the Arizona Cardinals to serve after 9/11. In doing so, he had become the all-American poster boy for military propaganda. Yet despite this image, “Tillman was growing frustrated with what he saw, too,” says Fanning.

Fanning got to know the brothers one Friday evening while on leave in Fort Benning, Georgia, after returning from his first tour in Afghanistan. He was on his way to meet his fellow Rangers at a bar — at this point, he was thinking about leaving the military, but he didn’t know how — when he saw the Tillmans in a coffee shop. While “everyone else was getting wasted,” Fanning tells me, the Tillmans were exchanging research papers on Israel-Palestine. “They were just trying to understand what was happening. That was something they did all the time.”

A friendship was struck, and when Fanning turned war resister, the Tillmans were “real sources of comfort.” Though Fanning wouldn’t realize it until returning to civilian life, Pat would also play a central role in his being discharged. In April 2004, he was called down to formation. He expected to be sent to Leavenworth, military prison, but instead was informed that Pat Tillman had been killed the previous night. Fanning was told Tillman “was killed in enemy ambush and died a hero.” Only later would the truth come out — that Tillman was killed by friendly fire, with the military apparatus all the way up to President George W. Bush having a hand in covering his death up. Fanning was discharged days later — the Rangers were under scrutiny and didn’t need a conscientious objector around.

The cover-up fed Fanning’s sense of betrayal. But being from a conservative, pro-military family, he didn’t know how to talk about his experiences and was scared to do so, so he spent “the next four years hiding what’d happened” to him, grateful at least to have escaped further punishment. Yet the need to speak about what he now knew of the military gnawed at him — the wars weren’t stopping, and people were barely talking about them anymore. He decided to at least show his gratitude to the Tillmans by raising money for the Pat Tillman Foundation. He did so by walking across the country, and then he wrote a book about it. In the process, he discovered radical histories, learning about Nat Turner’s slave uprising, and Dolores Huerta’s labor organizing, and parallels to his own war resistance, such as the San Patricio Battalion: Irish soldiers who deserted the US side to join the Mexicans in the Mexican-American war — and were hanged for this rebellion. Gradually, he became a socialist.

“It’s only in the past ten years that I’ve been talking about this,” Fanning, now forty-two, tells me. As he began reading, books like Howard Zinn’s and Stephen Kinzer’s histories of US intervention, and, later, journalist Anand Gopal’s writing on Afghanistan, the feeling of having been deceived only grew. “I realized: this isn’t only my experience, it’s the experience of all these other people who claim to defend freedom and democracy but are doing the complete opposite, and have been for decades.”

I was expecting bullets to be whizzing by my head when I landed in Afghanistan, but when the sun came up the next day, all I saw was unbelievable amounts of poverty. I felt like a bully.

Now, Fanning feels he has no option but to speak out about war and imperialism. “If a veteran goes into a high school and opposes war, the message might have a better chance of being heard,” he says. He admits that family and old friends don’t invite him to dinner as much as they might’ve had he kept his mouth shut, but the trade-off is a no-brainer: “I feel like I can breathe.” He supports dissenters abroad, such as corresponding with draft resisters in Israel, and at home: both active-duty soldiers and veterans regularly reach out to him. He encourages them to resist in groups, rather than alone — “It’s way harder for the military to push back on a bunch of people instead of one person.”

When Colin Kaepernick began taking a knee in protest against police violence, Fanning supported him, forming Veterans for Kaepernick. And when Kaepernick’s detractors invoked Pat Tillman, he countered this with the Tillman he knew, who, he insists, would’ve been on Kaepernick’s side. “It’s next to impossible for me to imagine otherwise,” he says, refusing to let his friend be conscripted by the forces of militarism, even in death.

Yet the US military is a behemoth so hulking as to feel unstoppable, impenetrable, undefeatable. When I ask Fanning if he ever feels hopeless about the possibility of closing the country’s eight-hundred-some bases abroad and ultimately dismantling the military, as he hopes to do, he laughs, shaking his head. “You chip away,” he says. Sure, there is a “sense of fatigue” and deflation after mass marches and organizing failed to stop the Iraq War. But, he adds, “every change in history has happened at such a small level at first, and my hope comes from the gains we’ve seen just in the past few years.” Plus, despite the billions spent, the military hasn’t been meeting its recruiting goals lately.

The past few years have seen the start of a revival of socialist politics, and while the US left is still small, Fanning sees its priorities as inextricably entangled with, and relevant to, the military and veterans. A broader social safety net would remove critical lures in recruiters’ tool kits at schools like the one we visited earlier in the day. “Poverty draft” is the phrase for describing the targeting of poor, working-class, and, particularly, black and Latino kids for recruitment. According to a 2014 investigation by the Chicago Reporter, 93 percent of Chicago’s JROTC cadets are black or Latino — the city has the country’s largest JROTC program, and more than 70 percent of its JROTC schools are in “high schools located in majority-black or majority-Latino” zip codes. Dangling the (not always fulfilled) promise of multi-thousand-dollar signing bonuses, free or reduced-cost college, citizenship, loans, health care, and a career, the military is appealing to young people who are otherwise denied livable wages and benefits.

But free higher education, universal health care, and genuinely affordable housing wouldn’t only remove reasons for joining — they’d also help veterans, who, despite their surface-level veneration (being trotted out at sports events or given the occasional discount), continue to suffer profoundly, with twenty committing suicide each day and roughly forty thousand homeless. Veterans could offer a lot to the Left, too, says Fanning. After all, there are millions of people connected to the US military, people veterans are well positioned to reach.

Despite what he feels is a natural kinship between veterans and the Left, there remains ambivalence in certain quarters of the latter as to how, or whether, to relate to the former. Although veterans and active-duty soldiers were a key part of the movement against the Vietnam War, that was at the time of a draft. Even acknowledging the significant size of the poverty draft, many soldiers are not poor and sign up voluntarily, for ideological reasons, even if those reasons often boil down to a generic patriotism. Though many in the military are glorified bureaucrats — pencil pushers who never see combat — some soldiers do, in fact, kill people.

But if the Left is to build a mass movement, veterans and active-duty soldiers have a role to play. “People sign up because they think they’re doing the right thing, because that’s what society teaches you. And then when they realize they’re not, they feel betrayed,” says Fanning. “If people are unapologetic” about their time in the US military, “that’s one thing,” he says. “But it’s another thing to say, ‘I did the best with the information I had access to, with what society taught me, and after I learned there was a better way, I went that better way.’”

“There are lot of disgruntled veterans out there,” he says. “A lot of people are looking for community in the military, and that’s what keeps them there. They stay in for all the wrong reasons, doing things no one agrees with. But what if people said, collectively, we’re going to get out of this together, we don’t have to abandon one another? If you can build those same kinds of bonds in struggle and protest, and offer antiwar veterans a platform in a society that shuts them out otherwise, while removing the economic reasons for joining, you can draw a lot of people away from the military.” While there are currently a few organizations for antiwar veterans — Veterans for Peace, along with About Face — as the Left grows, Fanning expects the presence of socialist veterans will, too.

As for the far right’s inroads among military members, Fanning sees this is an unnatural pairing. While racism and xenophobia are central to the US military’s perpetration of violence, for disaffected soldiers to direct their anger toward immigrants or people of color more generally “makes no sense.” “We’re going to blame the people with no political power, no financial power, no military power for all of our problems?” he practically shouts as we sit in his backyard, his family inside, getting ready for dinner. “To the extent it works, it’s only because soldiers haven’t encountered the opposite argument” from the Left. “We have way more in common with the people we’re ‘fighting’ in these wars than with the people telling us to go fight, the generals who are supposedly on our same team.”

“The JROTC kids in Chicago that I’ve spoken to aspire to do other things. They come from backgrounds without a lot of resources, and they’re looking to give themselves a chance,” says Fanning. “But they’re also interested in standing up for something, a higher ideal.” At his house, Fanning is recounting the students’ reactions to his talk today — the boy who the teacher told us usually never sits still, riveted, yelling from the back row in anger at what Fanning said; the girl who was considering enlisting, but now wasn’t so sure. You can’t will an upsurge, much less a revolution, into existence, but in the meantime, you chip away.

Source: https://jacobinmag.com/2019/08/the-defector

Jonah Walters / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 17 August 2019

Jonah Walters, Jacobin - A smattering of information has been revealed about Connor Betts, the misogynist twenty-four-year-old who killed nine people and injured twenty-seven in Dayton earlier this month.

One of them was that he was in the Bellbrook High School Junior Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (JROTC) program, according to a classmate. We know little about Betts’s time in the program, the training he received, or what impact it had on him. But it’s worth mentioning that we have thousands of kids in America getting military training at school.

An estimated 500,000 high schoolers at 3,400 schools are enrolled in the JROTC, administered jointly by the military and each local school district. Students enrolled in JROTC classes are assigned ranks, taught military comportment and demeanor, and required to wear military uniforms. In most cases, students also receive training in military skills like marksmanship using school shooting ranges.

The Pentagon insists that JROTC is not a recruitment program, but a practical curriculum that teaches integrity and discipline — as innocuous as sports or physical education. But between 40 and 50 percent of students who complete three years of JROTC enlist in the military upon graduation, in part because JROTC graduates can receive enhanced pay and preferential benefits.

JROTC units are supervised by retired military officers who are exempt from civilian teaching certification requirements. To retain federal funding, each JROTC unit must maintain enrollment of 100 students or 10 percent of the student body — leaving the program vulnerable to organized student and parent boycotts.

Shooting Ranges Have No Place in Schools (Obviously)

About 2,200 schools offer hands-on marksmanship training, according to data from the Civilian Marksmanship Program, a government-chartered entity that collaborates with JROTC units to create and maintain school shooting ranges. Until about 2000, students were usually trained on .22-caliber rifles, but nowadays instructors use pellet guns.

There have been efforts to end this practice. After the Columbine High School shooting in 1999, Chicago mayor Richard M. Daley disbanded the thirty-three “rifle teams” that had previously operated in that city’s public schools. In 2009, the San Diego Unified School District banned marksmanship training after years of sustained protest from students and parents, removing the eleven shooting ranges that had previously operated at public schools in that city.

ASVAB Is Not Healthy for Children or Other Living Things

Under the guise of the innocuous-sounding “ASVAB Career Exploration Program,” the Department of Defense administers the Armed Services Vocational Aptitude Battery (ASVAB) to some 655,000 students in twelve thousand schools each year. The explicit purpose of the ASVAB test is to identify high school juniors and seniors as candidates for targeted recruitment — but often the test is marketed to school guidance counselors (and students) as a generic career aptitude test.

In more than a thousand high schools around the country, students are actually required by school policy to take the test, often without parental knowledge. While schools may choose to administer the test without sharing the results, it remains very difficult for students and parents themselves to opt out of the ASVAB data-sharing process. In about 92 percent of cases, ASVAB results are shared immediately with the military.

They’re Keeping Tabs on Your Kids

The Department of Defense database known as “JAMRS” (for “Joint Advertising Market Research & Studies”) contains the names of some 30 million people between the ages of sixteen and twenty-five, for the purpose of targeted military recruitment.

Top secret until 2005, a lawsuit from the American Civil Liberties Union forced JAMRS to stop storing social security numbers, but the database still contains information like students’ full names, addresses, grade-point averages, and ASVAB test scores. The lawsuit also failed to prevent JAMRS from storing race and ethnicity information, likely due to the military’s long-standing interest in recruiting black and Latino students.

Creating JAMRS required compiling data from sources like the Department of Motor Vehicles and the College Board, as well as purchasing data from consumer marketing corporations — all at an estimated cost of about a billion dollars. Thanks to the ACLU lawsuit, students can now have their name and data placed in a “suppression file” by filling out an opt-out form. But there is no way for students to completely delete their names from JAMRS.

It’s Not Just High School

In recent years, the Department of Defense has turned more of its outreach focus toward children much younger than high schoolers.

“DoD STARBASE,” a program founded in 1993 and funded through the military’s recruitment budget, brings fifth graders to tour military facilities and introduce them to military careers.

“Mission: Readiness,” a nonprofit controlled by retired generals, pairs military personnel with classrooms of pre-kindergarten children (four-year-olds) to promote physical fitness and exercise. The organization, which received its start-up cash through President Obama’s 2014 budget, was founded in response to concerns about the battle-readiness of young enlistees.

The military sucks up billions of dollars every year that could go to funding education. The least it could do is stop indoctrinating our kids in the joys of warfare.

Jonah Walters is a researcher at Jacobin and a graduate student in geography at Rutgers University.

Source: https://jacobinmag.com/2019/08/jrotc-army-recruitment-high-schools-connor-betts-dayton-shooting

Emilio, Educarueca.org / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 28 July 2019

This article posting dedicated to Libby Frank of the Northwest Suburban Peace & Education Project

Emilio, Educarueca.org - In the summer of 1963, the League of War Resisters created a peace action committee that fundamentally fought against the anti-terrorism terrorism exercised by the US-backed Ngo Dinh Diem government of South Vietnam. On July 25 there were pickets in the house of the permanent observer from South Vietnam to the UN, and in October, a demonstration to “welcome” Mrs. Ngo Dinh Nhu during her visit to New York.

THE FIRST NATIONAL SCALE PROTEST.

The first important demonstration against the war took place in New York on December 19, 1964, and was supported by the WRL, CNVA, FOR, the socialist party and SPU. One thousand five hundred people took to the streets despite a temperature below zero to hear the war denounced to Muste, Norman Thomas and. Philip Randolph. In San Francisco, one hundred people heard Joan Baez sing. Other demonstrations took place in Minneapolis, Miami, Austin, Sacramento, Philadelphia, Chicago, Washington, Boston and Cleveland. A feature of the mobilization was the disclosure of "a Call to American Consciousness," which prompted an immediate ceasefire and the earliest possible withdrawal of US troops.

THE YEAR OF VIETNAM.

1965 was "the year of Vietnam." The statement of the first US bombing in North Vietnam on February 7 generated pickets and seated throughout the country. These were perpetuated throughout the month, and many efforts were invested in collecting signatures for a new appeal that prompted civil disobedience. The Cincinnati Pacifists group organized a “Committee against taxes for the Vietnam War” to claim fiscal resistance. In December 1969, an independent War Resistance to War group was created that had about 200 tax resistance centers throughout the country. On March 16, 1965 Alice Herz, an 82-year-old widow who had fled from Nazism, set herself on fire at a busy intersection in Detroit; She died ten days later. On November 2 Norman Morrison, secretary of a Friends Encounter, burned himself to death in front of the Pentagon. A week later, Roger La Porte, a young volunteer from the New York Catholic Labor movement, set himself on fire in front of the UN. The first national anti-war demonstration was organized on April 17 by Students for a Democratic Society, as a march through Washington to end the Vietnam War. The Assembly of Unrepresented Persons, from August 6 to 9, brought together the pacifist and civil rights movements in what resulted in the largest demonstration in Washington for civil disobedience to date. A march from the Washington Monument to the Capitol ended with a sitting in which 350 people were arrested. At the same time, students from Berkeley and other Bay Area schools tried to stop trains arriving in Oakland with soldiers destined for Vietnam. The Assembly of Unrepresented Persons also generated the National Coordinating Committee to End the Vietnam War, which made preparations for the demonstrations of October 15 and 16, 1965, Days of International Protest. This led to the formation in New York of the Fifth Avenue Pacifist Parade Committee, a unique coalition of all groups opposed to the Vietnam War, including liberals, pacifists, communists, and the new and old left. Under the direction of AJ Muste, a march on Fifth Avenue reached more than 50,000 participants, and an organizational model was created for future mobilizations nationwide.

THE BURNING OF MILITARY CARTILLES.

On October 15, David Miller, a Catholic Worker, decided to burn his military draft card instead of delivering a speech. The act received tremendous publicity, as it was the first draft card burned after the promulgation that summer of a law of Congress that equated the destruction of a military draft card to the serious crime of not going to the ranks. Burning the cards had been a traditional form of pacifist protest against the call to the ranks. In May 1964, twelve men burned their cards in New York City as a protest against mandatory military service. A few weeks before the Assembly of Unrepresented Persons, there was another burning of cards in New York, which was denounced in the national media, and caused the Washington patriots to rush to pass a bill in Congress to ban this practice. On November 6, in New York City, AJ Muste presided over a very well organized draft card burn.

THE PRINCIPLE OF A COUNTER CULTURE

The pacifists had long encouraged people to stop working in war industries and to separate themselves from the bellicose government. Many young people came to consider the whole society as part of a warlike culture, and they self-asserted; they would no longer collaborate with the American way of life that had generated Vietnam. This movement was intended to be apolitical, but in reality it was a decisive political rejection of militarism and the State. Because they were opposed to violence and appealed to lifestyle rather than covert rhetoric, radical pacifists saw that they could relate to this counter cultural lifestyle very easily. The New York WIN group, Jim Hayes and some friends from New England, the people around the WRL-West of San Francisco and a new anarchist orientation chapter of the WRL in Los Angeles began to address the self-organized community in an attempt to fill the new lifestyle with political content. The opportune moment for this type of transformation had arrived and, consequently, the pacifist movement was more than a movement against the Vietnam War, and the changes that it produced reached the deepest of the basic way in which the Americans looked and structured their lives.

A VISIBLE PROTEST

This change occurred gradually: it began in 1966, reached its highest point with the euphoria of the summer of love of 1967 and ran into the reality of the Chicago demonstrations in 1968. Street demonstrations were frequent in 1966. The minimum provocation it was enough to gather people picketing a dinner whose host was Secretary of State Dean Rusk, to block traffic as a protest against a new bombing of North Vietnam, to block the way for recruitment officers at universities, to occupy the offices of Dow Chemical against the production of napalm; to distribute pamphlets against the call to the ranks in fifth centers late at night, induce young people to refuse military service and advise them on how not to return - there was a demonstration for everything.

THE RESISTANCE

Radical pacifists had always insisted that "wars would cease when men refused to fight." Therefore, much of its energy was poured into organizing activities of resistance to military service. During the early years of the Vietnam conflict, there were numerous examples of men who refused to go out and even get ready. The Pacifists published a list of non-collaborators that lasted every month, and many CNVA-related activists burned military draft cards or refused to form fifths, but none of these efforts were organized collectively. The first collective action against military service took place on April 15, 1967 in what became the largest pacifist demonstration in US history. until the time: a group in Sheep's Meadow, in the New York Central Park, followed by a march to the UN of hundreds of thousands of participants. That morning, 175 men burned their draft cards. Non-quintable Friends also met, who organized support groups that eventually met as Resistid: Support-in-Action. The first restitution of the draft cards to the government was carried out by more than 1500 men on October 3, 1967. The second, on December 4, brought with it 475 more resistant; and on April 3, 1968, another 630 began their noncooperation with military service.

THE CONFRONTATION WITH WARMONGERS.

The crucial, and probably the most memorable, action was announced as a "confrontation with the warmongers" and took place at the Pentagon on October 21 and 22, 1967. Thousands of people marched on the building and, when the soldiers blocked the step, they sat at their feet in an improvised collective educational group that lasted all night from Saturday to Sunday night. Hundreds of people were arrested, and many received a beating at the hands of US justice officials, who tried to discourage protesters with unbridled brutality. People took different memories: some remembered the community that was created among strangers on the Pentagon stairway, the sharing of food, the resolution not to counterattack or break ranks in the face of government aggressions; others remembered more the feeling of unity with the soldiers, and left with the idea that these were not the enemies, despite the uniforms, which shared many values ​​and beliefs of the movement and should be treated as brothers. And others, irritated because they failed to pass the military barrier or invade the Pentagon, considered it a failure and blamed the nonviolent tactics. A second crucial action occurred in the Bay Area during the week of the confrontation at the Pentagon. In order to close the Oakland fifth center, Week to End Military Service was organized. On Monday, a pacifist sitting closed the center for three hours and generated 123 arrests. On November 15, 1969, more than half a million people went to Washington to the largest anti-war demonstration in the history of the United States. Peace centers were also set up throughout the country, which organized the people in the struggle for an immediate end to the war.

RECRUITMENT RESISTANCE.

Throughout the war, some pacifist and anti-war groups advised recruitment-resistant people, and occasionally helped them find refuge in Canada and elsewhere. Thus, people regularly sheltered absent soldiers without permission, and provided them with security in the same way that abolitionists created an underground railroad for runaway slaves during the United States Civil War. It is estimated that there were between 80,000 and 100,000 deserters and fugitives, especially in Canada, but also in Sweden, in France and in most countries of Western Europe, in many of which they had been granted legal asylum.

THE OPPOSITION IS GENERALIZED.

In the 70s, the whole of the anti-war movement was fragmented into violent and nonviolent factions. None could channel the enthusiasm of a large number of activists as the SDS had done in 1969. Later we learned that part of this was due to the destructive tactics of the FBI. In May 1970, one hundred thousand people moved to the capital, with a week's notice, to protest against the invasion of Cambodia and the murder of four students at Kent State University, Ohio. For the pacifists, the beginning of the 1970s was marked by small nonviolent assaults on recruitment selection offices and, on one occasion, at the FBI office in Media, Pennsylvania. Approximately one million files of fifths were destroyed in several widespread actions; Participants destroyed reports in public seeking their detention or fled later. Although many ended up in jail, these assaults sharpened and fostered anti-war sentiments.

THE RETURN TO NOVIOLENCE.

In May 1971, the SOS Tribe, a group formed by pacifist and non-pacifist activists, organized a one-week demonstration with the aim of paralyzing the city of Washington through a nonviolent traffic obstruction tactic. More than 13,500 people were arrested in three days of nonviolent action.

THE END OF THE WAR.

On January 20, 1973, thousands of protesters went to Washington to protest against the inauguration of the office of President Richard Nixon and against the Christmas attempt to frighten and subdue North Vietnam with 36,000 tons of bombs. When the Paris Peace Accords concluded, most Americans were relieved that the Vietnam War was finally over. They did not know that the war would actually continue for more than two years, with more and more Vietnamese victims. Peace finally arrived in April 1975, but not as a result of the Paris Accords. Despite the enormous support of the US, the war effort in South Vietnam and Cambodia was demoralized and failed. On May 11 at Sheep's Meadow, in New York's Central Park, some 80,000 people came out to celebrate the end of the war.

Source: http://www.educarueca.org/spip.php?article867

 Will Carless / Parent Category: NNOMY Articles / 05 January 2019

Students in the Young Marines program in Hanover, Pa., attend a ball at a Veterans of Foreign Wars hall in October 2017. They wear their finest dresses and suits. Their eyes fix on a large American flag as the national anthem falls from their lips.Credit: Sarah Blesener for Reveal

In rural central Florida, a group of children sit on a jetty, their reflections dappled in water the color of iced tea. It is quiet. Stifling, peaceful. The children pray over the breakfast they’re about to eat and ask for blessings for those whose hands prepared it. And they ask for safety during their upcoming weapons training, during which they will learn how to disarm a knife-wielding attacker, load a rifle and properly handle a handgun.

In Harlingen, Texas, young boys loll on the grass in the sunshine, swapping their families’ war stories.

“My uncle killed Taliban in Afghanistan,” one boy says nonchalantly.

Another shares a tale about a relative who tried to sneak an AK-47 back to the U.S. The boys will spend a few more weeks at this private quasi-military camp, where they will engage in physical, mental and weapons training. Some of them dream of a career in the armed forces.

In the small town of Herriman, Utah, children as young as 6 learn the Declaration of Independence by putting it to song. Over a few hot summer days, they will learn about “Americanism,” a blend of patriotism and history that casually mixes in some of the basic tenets of radical libertarianism. During one lesson, they’ll pretend to overturn a boat full of tea into Boston Harbor. In another class, these elementary school children will be taught that it is wrong for the government to force them to pay for social programs in the form of taxes.

New York-based photographer Sarah Blesener spent the past year traveling the United States visiting youth summer camps and events. She has photographed and interviewed dozens of children, from 8-year-old Utahns to teenagers in the Bronx borough of New York. She has camped in sweltering, bug-infested central Florida with religious survivalists and hiked the dusty frontier of the U.S.-Mexico border with 12-year-olds – most of them Latino – who want to “take down illegals.” Along the way, Blesener gained insight into not only how America’s youth think, but also the ways adults guide these children onto philosophical, religious and political paths.

The camps Blesener visited – a slice of hundreds, if not thousands, of similar camps – fall into three general categories: patriotic camps, which aim to instill a love for America and a deep knowledge of the religious roots of the country’s founding; military camps, where children undergo rigorous physical training and are taught the discipline and skills crucial to a career in the armed forces; and survivalist camps, where kids learn skills such as building shelters and identifying edible plants in preparation for an apocalypse, natural disaster or the Second Coming.

It would be tempting to assume that interest in the camps is directly related to recent shifts in U.S. society, the 2016 presidential election and a renewed spirit of American nationalism and patriotism.

But there are myriad reasons why these children attend camps. Some are keen to get a taste of military life, eager to see whether they can survive “boot camp light.” At the Utah patriot camps, most kids have been brought by parents who want them to experience unfiltered American pride they are unlikely to find anywhere else. And then there are the reluctant campers: the teenagers who lament losing half of their summers to patriotism, pushups and prayer, but attend because their parents make them and they don’t really have a say.

Many of these camps, especially the military ones, enforce strict dress codes. Taking care of your uniform is one of the primary rules at several camps Blesener visited. Even the patriot camps have their own uniform – bright red T-shirts emblazoned with the slogan “I Love America.”

The less formal camps are run and staffed primarily by volunteers, with paid professionals sometimes brought in to lead firearms safety or self-defense training. But the organized military camps, most of which form part of sprawling national organizations, have legions of paid staff, many of them veterans. Increasingly, these bigger camps look more like offshoots of the military than private enterprises, with their uniforms, ex-military staff and weapons – much of which are paid for indirectly by U.S. taxpayers.

“Overall, I wanted to look at how, as a culture, we pass down patriotic and military traditions to children,” said Blesener, who spent the year as a fellow at Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting with support from CatchLight and the Alexia Foundation. “And I think this is an extraordinarily interesting time to do this. America is so divided, and I wanted to speak to youth and see if they are as divided and what their worldview is and how they are being shaped as young adults.”

Forging a new ‘Americanism’

President Donald Trump’s campaign promise to “make America great again” is a message Julie Knudsen has been propagating for years: Not only should America reclaim a proud past, but it also desperately needs to regain pride in the greatness of the American experiment itself.

Back in 2011, Knudsen co-founded the Utah Patriot Camp. Aimed at children ages 5 to 12, the camp was a reaction to Obama-era American apologizing, she said. It was designed to be a safe place where children could learn the glories of the American republic – the beatific nature of this country’s birth.

“We teach the miracle that happened during the Revolution, that God’s hand was involved in the creation of America,” Knudsen said. “A lot of people come for that sort of stuff.”

Without knowing it, Knudsen had tapped into a sentiment that would, five years later, help propel Trump to the presidency. The ethos of the Utah Patriot Camps (she said there are now 15 across three states catering to more than 850 children) represents a new era of patriotism that closely aligns with messages and policies being crafted in Washington, D.C.

The messages of “America first” and “Americanism” can be found at the forefront of far-right political movements such as the one driven by Steve Bannon, Trump’s former chief strategist, as well as in the pages of literature handed out at camps such as Knudsen’s.

“After the war, everybody wanted George Washington to be the king, because he was such a great leader,” a teacher told the class at the Utah camp Blesener attended in June. “And Satan tried to tempt him. Did you know that?”

A small boy interrupted: “What does ‘tempt’ mean?”

“ ‘Tempt’ means a kind of trick,” the teacher said. “Do you think he could have done a lot of good? He could have. But that’s not what God wanted, was it? He wanted this country to be free, right?”

The class took place in the shade of trees in a public park in Herriman. The park had been adorned with dozens of American flags, and they fluttered in the light morning breeze as the children moved from session to session.

Knudsen’s camp is inspired by the 9/12 Project, a now largely defunct organization launched in 2009 by conservative radio host Glenn Beck. Its motto was “Restoring America.”

Everything Knudsen heard and read about the project appealed to her. So she sent away for a copy of a Patriot Camp Handbook, written in 2010 by a group of Pennsylvania moms as “our attempt to generate enthusiasm in our communities about teaching children what makes America unlike any other nation.”The manual became Knudsen’s blueprint for her camp. She expected a few applicants. She got more than 100.

“I think it filled a void,” she said.

The camps feature sessions during which kids sing the Declaration of Independence and include visits from actors dressed as the Founding Fathers. But there are also sessions such as a “redistribution of wealth” activity, during which half of the children do jumping jacks to earn Tootsie Rolls. The candy is then distributed evenly among all the kids – including those who did no “work.”

The manual gives guidance on what should happen next: “Emphasize that it is our own individual responsibility to be charitable,” it reads, “not the government’s job to redistribute our wealth, or take our money to give to others.”

While there are hints like this of right-wing politics in the manual and the lessons, Blesener was most struck by the camp’s overall ethos of unabashed American glorification and a focus on the U.S. as being founded directly by a higher power.

“There was a lot of fun educational stuff – making popsicles, that kind of thing – but there was also this really kind of intense theory they were teaching,” Blesener said. “At one point, they were talking about the Declaration of Independence, and they said it was the first time in history that anybody had ever stood up to their king or queen, which obviously is just not true.”

Public money for private boot camps

At a South Dakota camp run by the Civil Air Patrol – a quasi-military organization primarily funded by Congress – students discussed how best to display their American pride with a teacher brought in to instruct them on flag etiquette.

“In our generation, we obviously see that people don’t treat the flag with the respect it deserves,” one student said. “What should we do when we see a group of people disrespecting that?”

The instructor responded, Blesener recalled, by saying the children should intervene and share their knowledge of how to properly handle and respect the flag with their peers.

At a camp run by another quasi-military organization, the Young Marines, Blesener watched children as young as 8 go through an initiation ritual that included dressing and undressing as quickly as possible. Most of the kids broke down in tears, Blesener said, only to be built back up again by their instructors.

As the drills ended, the children were comforted and told that they had succeeded where others had failed. They were now part of a family, an elite unit.

“Afterward, I was talking to the camp leaders and they were saying, ‘Nowadays, everyone is so politically correct. … Not everyone can take this kind of initiation, everyone is apologizing for their behavior,’ ” Blesener said. “We just want to be one of those groups that is proud of who we are and won’t apologize for it.”

Many of the quasi-military youth camps are privately run and funded, with some camps costing thousands of dollars to attend. Other camps are staffed by volunteers and are free to all. Young Marines camps lie somewhere in the middle, with some charging a nominal registration fee while the bulk of the costs are borne by the organization.

According to Young Marines’ tax filings, the nonprofit received more than $4 million of its about $7 million in funding from “government grants” in 2014. The tax records offer no additional detail about which grants the organization received. Bill Davis, Young Marines’ executive director, wrote in an email that the funds are from a federal grant in part for drug demand reduction efforts, administered by the Department of Defense.

“It’s a quasi-military recruitment program,” said Rick Jahnkow, an anti-militarist activist who founded two organizations aimed at preventing children from becoming “militarized” in schools. “It’s intended to plant seeds in kids as young as elementary school, so that eventually they either become recruitable or, at a minimum, their minds have been recruited.”

Jahnkow and other activists keep a close eye on the military’s attempts to recruit in schools. Traditionally, their campaigns have focused on programs such as the junior ROTC and military-funded shooting ranges in schools, with some success. They’re extremely concerned about programs – some funded by the National Rifle Association – that bring guns into schools.

These programs made national news recently after it was revealed that Nikolas Cruz, a 19-year-old charged with killing 17 people in a mass shooting at a Florida high school, had participated on a JROTC air rifle team supported by the NRA. Cruz was wearing a T-shirt with the shooting program’s
logo when he was arrested.

But the uptick in recent years of private military youth camps funded with public money has opened a new front in the activists’ work, and it has them concerned.

“It’s a creeping plague,” said Libby Frank, a member of the steering committee for the National Network Opposing the Militarization of Youth. “It’s all geared toward getting people used to the idea that the military is a major part of their life.”

Blesener, too, said she was concerned by how these camps exploit children’s vulnerabilities by instilling them with notions of America’s military might and moral exceptionalism.

“There is absolutely zero criticism of what the American military does overseas at these camps,” Blesener said. “Every single leader you talk to will deny that these are recruitment camps, but of course, they are. Introducing a child to an activity or a worldview at such a young age is clearly a way to steer them in that direction.”

One of the children Blesener met over the summer, 17-year-old Elizabeth Nelson, went on to enlist in the Army. Nelson said she learned at the camp that, on enlistment, she would get credit for her time spent there if she reached a certain rank at camp.

“I was like, ‘Wowzer!’ ” Nelson said. “I had always wanted to enlist, but when I heard about Civil Air Patrol, I was like, ‘This could really help me in my career.’ ”

Prepping for the ‘zombie apocalypse’

Children attending the North Florida Survival School talked a lot about the zombie apocalypse. They were joking, but for the older kids, the term was a sort of code – an analogy for a coming catastrophe that could be around the next corner.

“The zombie apocalypse is just the fun, easy way to look at it, but the reality is that at any point, an apocalypse could start, whether it is the economy or a nuclear attack,” said 17-year-old Jasmine Burke.

Many street-smart teenagers in New York, Los Angeles or Chicago probably would sneer at their devout, well-behaved counterparts in rural Florida, who spend their weekends learning how to build shelters, start fires and find edible plants, as well as holding prayer sessions and singing hymns by the lake.

Kids such as 17-year-old Joseph Chubb acknowledge this. He is well aware that city kids find it odd that teenagers might want to learn how to collect clean water or hygienically dig a latrine. But to teenagers attending the North Florida Survival School in late August, the ones who should be mocked are the teens sitting in their apartments in the big cities, assuming that their lights will always turn on, the Wi-Fi will never go out and the pizza guy will always deliver.

“Most people in America don’t even know how to light a fire,” Chubb said. “The shelter of the indoors, the increase in modern technology – it’s obvious we’ve become more dependent on that. When you don’t need to go outside and make a fire, you forget how to do it.”

The three-day midsummer camp outside Ocala culminated in an afternoon session firing rifles at a target by the lake. One by one, the kids donned ear protection and shooting goggles and learned how to properly load, aim and fire two different rifles.

For several of the children, who had been shooting for years, the training session was merely a refresher of the rules they had long committed to memory. But for 9-year-old Austin Gerthe, the afternoon offered some valuable lessons.

“One time, I shot my dad’s shotgun secretly,” Austin confided before the session. By the end of the training, however, the skinny, freckled boy had yet to master the rules of handling weapons. The instructors decided he was better off just watching.

There are no reliable statistics showing whether demand for survivalist training camps is growing or waning. Steven Claytor, owner of the North Florida Survival School, said he has seen demand increase over the last few years, but suggested it had more to do with a flood of survival-themed TV shows than with Trump’s election or increased global geopolitical tension.

Other survivalist camps reported a more recent boost directly related to the 2016 presidential election.

“The phone hasn’t stopped ringing since Dumpy Trumpy took office,” said Shane Hobel, owner of the Mountain Scout Survival School in New York’s Hudson Valley. He said potential customers are “freaking out” about the possibility of Trump pulling the U.S. into a nuclear war. And they’re worried his leadership could cause the economy to collapse.

But Eric Giles, who owns the Texas Survival School in North Texas, had a different experience.

“It’s kinda slowed down,” he said. “It slowed down after the election. A certain group of people were worried about (Hillary) Clinton getting in, but they’re not worried anymore.”

About this project:

• Visit: An exhibition of this work in New York City, through April 1, 2018 or in San Francisco, May 3-30 with other Catchlight fellows at SF Camerawork.

• Read: What Sarah Blesener learned during her fellowship year.

• Learn: More about Blesener and the funding behind this project.

Source: https://www.revealnews.org/article/youth-camps-shape-new-generations-with-patriotism-pushups-and-prayer/