Opinion/Editorials

A Close Examination of the Hong Kong Democratic Movement

By Jamie Zhao

Underlying and Direct Causes

In 2014, the city of Hong Kong was flooded with a series of sit-in protests which came to be known as the Umbrella Movement or the Occupy Movement. This democratic movement began after the Standing Committee of National People’s Congress (NPCSC) issued a decision that proposed reforms to the Hong Kong electoral system. However, in the eyes of the protestors, this decision is tantamount to the Chinese Communist Party’s pre-screening of the Chief Executive of Hong Kong. As a result, on 22nd September 2014, a group of students led a demonstration against NPCSC outside of government headquarters. Yet, what started as peaceful demonstrations rapidly escalated. The Occupy Central with Love and Peace announced their civil disobedience campaign movement. This escalation, which led to the disruption of civilian life and economy, forced the Hong Kong police to step in. Officials in Hong Kong and Beijing denounced these occupations as a “violation of the rule of law”. The Umbrella Movement precipitated a division in Hong Kong and invigorated youths, a previously apolitical group, into political activism. Hong Kong’s government’s use of police and courts to silence political issues led to accusations that police and courts are turning into mere political tools. Although the Umbrella Movement ended without any political concessions from the government, it triggered rhetorics regarding the rule of law, patriotism, and civil liberties which extended into the 2019 Protests.

The 2019 Hong Kong protests are an ongoing series of demonstrations prompted by the introduction of the Fugitive Offenders Amendment Bill by the Hong Kong government. This bill, if enacted, would have allowed the extradition of fugitives who are wanted in territories that Hong Kong does not currently have extradition agreements with, including Taiwan and mainland China. The primary concern is that Hong Kong residents and visitors will be subject to the legal jurisdiction of mainland China and undermine Hong Kong’s political autonomy. A large part of the fear for Hong Kong autonomy, outlined in the Hong Kong Basic Law, stemmed from the futile protests of the 2014 Umbrella Movement and 2017 imprisonment of Hong Kong democracy activists. After the Umbrella movement, only half of the seats in the Legislative Council remain directly elected and the Chief Executive of Hong Kong continued to be voted by a small Election Committee. The impending fear of the eroding Hong Kong autonomy gave rise to localism and pro-independence movement as fewer and fewer youth in Hong Kong identify themselves as Chinese. According to The Economist, almost no youths identify themselves as “Chinese” in 2019. What further fueled the assembly of protesters is the approaching expiration of the Hong Kong Basic Law in 2047 and the coupled constitutional rights. For these students and protestors, the lesson learned from the Umbrella Movement is a political awakening and that peaceful civil disobedience was ineffective.

Methods of Protest

According to Bloomberg, although the protests have been largely described as leaderless, there are two sects of the protests: moderate and radical. Despite the differences in the belief of expressing a political opinion, the two groups’ praxis is “Do Not Split”.

The most common protest tactics amongst the moderate group are organized in mass rallies, flash mobs, forming human chains, hunger striking, and boycotting pro-Beijing shops. In addition, artistic expressions of moderate protestors have also garnered attention. The arts of protests included language, Lennon walls, mascots, and songs/hymns. Due to a large number of homophones in Cantonese, a Chinese dialect, it gave Hongkongers great flexibility for wordplay. Protestor’s slogans and banners are often inspired by pop culture and historical events. Two examples of inspiration are: “Give me liberty or give me death” (Patrick Henry) and “If we burn, you burn with us” (Suzanne Collins). In addition, technology such as the Apple AirDrop system and HKmap.live, an app crowdsourcing the location of the police, also played an essential role in the protester's freedom of expression.

On the other hand, as reported by South China Morning Post, the radical protester adopted Bruce Lee’s “be water” philosophy: often moving in limber fashion to confound the police. Benefiting from crowdsourcing apps like HKmap.live, these protesters are able to retreat when the police arrive only to reemerge somewhere else. Frontline protestors adopted the black bloc tactic, wearing completely black attire from head to toe, to protect their identities, but once protestors are arrested, they would shout their names and declare they are not suicidal because they feared they would be fatally harmed during their detention following the conspiracy behind the death of Chan Yin-Lam. Recently, though, the Financial Times noted that the radical protestor’s water-like motion has spun out of control. In August 2019, the radical protesters escalated their use of violence and intimidation. These protestors would resort to destroying city infrastructure such as tearing up the sidewalk for bricks to attack the police. Others have used petrol bombs, corrosive liquid, and other projectiles against the police. An incident account detailed protesters hurling two petrol bombs at a police officer and the police shooting a 14-year-old teenager in self-defense. The police department accused the protestors of intending to “kill or harm” police officers after the protestors detonated a remote-controlled explosive next to a police vehicle on 13 October 2019. As the clash between protestors and police continues, more police casualties are reported with, according to The Standard and CNN, one officer slashed in the neck with a box cutter and a media liaison shot with an arrow. As of November 2019, South China Morning Post reported that companies and stores accused of being Pro-Beijing, like the food chain Best Mart 360, have been trashed or firebombed 180 times. On 23 December 2019, a man who fired an illegally owned pistol at police was arrested; upon investigation, the shooter was also found to be in illegal possession of an AR15 rifle. The court found that the shooter is a part of a group of five whose intention was to “slaughter policemen”. Naturally, the government and state-run media labeled these radical protestors as “rioters”. However, according to The Guardian, a quoted statement from an academic at the Education University of Hong Kong claimed that the vandalism of demonstrators focused on targets they perceive embodies injustice.

Chronology of the 2019-2020 Demonstrations

The first protest against the extradition bill was a sit-in organized by the pro-democracy group Demosistō. However, the anti-extradition movement garnered more attention when pro-democracy lawmakers in the Legislative Council launched a filibuster campaign against the bill. In response, Secretary of Security John Lee announced that the second reading of the bill would resume in full council on 12th June 2019. In the milieu of the second reading, the Civil Human Rights Front (CHRF) launched its third protest march. Although Carrie Lam insisted the second reading to continue, protestors successfully stopped the LegCo from proceeding by surrounding the building.

On 1st July 2019, the CHRF organized their annual march. The protest took a violent turn when the protestors stormed the Legislative Council at night. Directly challenging the Hong Kong government and Beijing, they smashed furniture, defaced Hong Kong emblem, and presented a ten-point manifesto. On 24th July, the CHRF held another anti-extradition demonstration. The protestors, in blatant defiance, passed police-mandated endpoints and targeted the Liaison Office, where they defaced the Chinese National Emblem. While the gridlock at the Liaison Office continued, a group of white-clad individuals showed up to Yuen Long Station and proceeded to attack civilians. As reported by The Standard, the allegation is that the attack was co-coordinated with the police department because the police were absent during the attack and local police offices were shuttered off. On 28th July, in a Hong Kong Free Press report, protestors who rallied near police stations in Kwai Chung and Tin Shui Wai were attacked with fireworks by unknown attackers.

On 5th August, a call for a general strike was answered by, according to the South China Morning Post and the Confederation of Trade Unions, 350,000 people. Over 200 flights had to be canceled. Protests were held all over Hong Kong and, in a Quartz report, the police force used more than 800 canisters of tear gas to disperse the demonstrations. The various incidents of alleged police brutality—shooting bean bag rounds, using tear gas indoors, deploying undercover police as an agent-provocateurs, and firing pepper balls at a close range—prompted protestors to stage a three-day sit-in at Hong Kong International Airport from 12th to 14th August. On the evening of 23rd August, an estimated 210,000 people participated in the “Hong Kong Way'' demonstration in which participants form a 15-kilometer human chain from Victoria Harbour to the top of the Lion Rock in an effort to draw attention to the movement’s 5 Demands. The 5 Demands are full withdrawal of the extradition bill, a commission of inquiry into alleged police brutality, retract the classification of protestors as “rioters' ', amnesty for all arrested protestors, and dual universal suffrage for the LegCo and Chief Executive.

On 4th September, Chief Executive Carrie Lam announced the withdrawal of the extradition bill. Despite this, protestors insisted on all five demands be met and continued demonstrations. On 8th September, the protestors marched to the US Consulate in Hong Kong to call for the passage of the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act, the HKHRDA, which was then passed unanimously by the US Congress in a “ remarkable display of bipartisan unity” (Lawfare). The HKHRDA requires the US government to impose sanctions against Chinese/Hong Kong officials responsible for human rights abuse in Hong Kong and requires the US Department of State to conduct annual reviews to determine if Hong Kong’s change in political status justify the change of favorable trade relations between the US and Hong Kong. However, the passage of this act and Chinese response are mostly symbolic with no actual damage to the on-going trade war negotiations between the US and China.

On 1st October, the 70th anniversary of the People’s Republic of China, masses of violent confrontations between the protesters and police transpired over various districts of Hong Kong. This day marks the first police’s usage of live rounds, with an 18-year-old protestor shot in the chest while attempting to assault a policeman with a metal stick. On 4th October, Chief Executive Lam invoked the Emergency Regulations Ordinance, which banned facemasks in public gatherings, in a futile attempt to control the protests. The ordinance was later declared unconstitutional in November.

A police officer’s wedding details were doxxed and the protestors, who intended to crash the wedding, clashed with the police on 3rd November at Sheung Tak Estate. Alex Chow Tsz-Lok, a student of the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, was found unconscious at the estate’s parking lot. Chow was later pronounced dead after unsuccessful attempts to save him. Chow’s death infuriated protestors who accused the police of purposely halting Chow’s ambulance. The major conflict occurred on 17th November when the protestors established a stronghold at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University. Thus begin the siege of the Hong Kong Polytechnic University. The police completely surrounded the campus and the students inside were quickly running out of supplies. The siege ended with most of the surrendered protestors arrested on 29th November.

The pro-democracy group won its biggest electoral landslide in the 24th November District Council Election. Following the win, protestors marched to reiterate their 5 Demands. Though the protest was dispersed by the police and had its Letter of No Objection revoked. Undeterred, the CHRF organized another march on 8th December. This march was the first in four months that had been granted police permission.

Since the outbreak of the Wuhan Coronavirus, the number of large scale rallies has dwindled in fear it may facilitate the spread of the virus. Nonetheless, the pro-democracy movement has repurposed to pressure the government to take stronger measures to protect public health.

Effects on the Economy and Society

According to a Business Insider report, Hong Kong has slipped into a recession as its economy has shrunk in the last two quarters of 2019. The protests also affected property values as the political instability in the city have discouraged investors from purchasing land. In addition, trade shows reported a decrease in attendance and revenue, resulting in trade companies canceling events. The Reuters polled economists who expected the Hang Seng Index to decline by at least 4.8%. The American credit rating agency, Fitch Ratings downgraded Hong Kong’s sovereignty rating from AA+ to AA over concerns for the government’s ability to maintain “one country, two systems.” Similarly, the outlook on the city lowered from “stable” to “negative”. However, one of the biggest industries in Hong Kong, tourism suffered the most. Tourism dropped by 40% in August 2019 compared to August 2018. Consequently, the unemployment rate in the tourism and food and beverage sector saw an increase. During the airport sit-ins from 12th-13th August, the cancellation of numerous flights, according to aviation experts, resulted in an estimated US$76 million loss.

The 2019 protests affected the society and citizens of Hong Kong most dramatically. According to the Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute, Carrie Lam’s approval rating declined to 22.3% in October 2019. The emergence of rhetorics of mutually assured destruction, of which the government waits for the protesters’ increasing aggression and violence in order to justify the further militarization of police. Moreover, the current militant state of the police forces, coupled with police misconduct and brutality accusations, has turned many politically neutral citizens to sympathize with the young protesters. In fact, an August 2019 Chinese University of Hong Kong survey, found that 43% of participants rated their trust in the government and police as 0 on a scale of 0 to 10. The scapegoats of public hate and distrust are lower-ranking police officers. CNN interviews revealed that many of these officers are “physically and mentally” exhausted as they risk being doxxed, cyberbullied, and distanced by family members. The proliferation of protests demanded more police force deployed for crowd and riot control, as a result of internal redeployment, members of anticrime operations dwindled. South China Morning Post reported criminal activities like burglary saw an increase from 6.5% to 53%. On the other hand, the rift between pro-democracy and pro-government groups has deepened. Oppositions to the protests are dubbed the “silent majority” and they argue the protesters are wreaking havoc in the city, disrupting civilian life and tarnishing the economy. Nonetheless, some protestors believe there was a trade-off to be made. They felt the movement can save the city amidst fears that Beijing could further encroach the city’s semi-autonomy. Besides the clash between different political camps, family ties are also strained. Parents argued with their children, who are participating in the protests because they [the parents] felt such activities could cost their children’s future and possibly, lives. The high degree of social unrest is also compiling as mental health burdens of Hong Kong residents. The Lancet, in a recent finding, stated many Hong Kong residents are experiencing high-level depression and PTSD (Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder).

An interesting question to rise from the 2019 Hong Kong Democratic Movement is, “Does civility belong in political demonstrations?” According to a protest student-leader Joey Siu in a DW Conflict Zone interview, she affirmed that leaders of the protests “will not do any kinds of public [condemnation]” in response to radical protests assaulting a 49-year-old man after he shouted “Love China! I am Chinese!” and protestors harassing and bullying children of police officers. Despite Siu’s remarks, the international community has taken a firm stance on violence in Hong Kong. On 31st October 2019, the UK Foreign Secretary released this statement, “While the overwhelming majority of protestors have been peaceful and lawful, the UK has always been clear that the violence of hard-core minority cannot be condoned”. The irony is though protesters are demanding police brutality accountabilities, Siu has wished for every arrestee to be pardoned. While this certainly will not be the last protests, what should be kept in mind is that to “be water” can also describe the willingness to make demands with concessions, for the wellbeing of the residents and the city of Hong Kong.

Posted 03/15/2020

Crisis in Yemen

By Stella Tchij

Yemen, one of the poorest countries in the Middle East, has been torn by a civil war since 2014. The civil war was the result of a failed political transition following an Arab Spring which replaced Ali Abdullah Saleh with President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi. President Hadi failed to deal with problems including militant attacks, corruption, food insecurity, and the continuity of military loyalty to Saleh. In 2014, the Houthi Shia Muslims rebelled and took advantage of President Hadi’s administrative weakness. The Houthi seized most of Northern Yemen and the capital which lead to Hadi to flee into exile. In March 2015, Saudi Arabia and eight other Sunni dominant Arab states—backed by UK, US, and France—launched air strikes against Houthi with the agenda to restore President Hadi. The stalemate between the Saudis and Houthi producing an unrelenting humanitarian crisis. As of March, 2019, there have been 7,025 civilians slaughtered and 11,140 wounded. However, these statistics only represents the known casualties and actually underestimates the fatality of this war. Additionally, about twenty four million people, which is 80% of Yemen’s population, is in need of immediate humanitarian protection and aid. Twenty million are desperate for secure food and of that, ten million that are only one step away from famine according to the United Nations. 240,000 of those citizens are in catastrophic levels of starvation.

Distressingly enough, the worst impacts of this crisis is affiliated with the youth of Yemen. Due to deadly attacks and strikes, more than 12 million children are robbed of their futures and hundreds of thousands were murdered in cold blood. Two million children starving, with 360,000 under the age of five with severe acute malnutrition. These unfortunate children have only experienced life in its worst form: war and conflict. They never received the chance at the life they deserve, a life in which they could choose their futures. Moreover, scarce access to schools and hospitals left children uneducated and exposed to fatal diseases. Only half of the country’s 3,500 medical facilities are fully functioning with almost 20 million people lacking access to healthcare, and 18 millions with no access to clean water. As a result, Yemen struggled with the largest cholera, a critical bacterial disease that causes intense diarrhea and dehydration and leads to death if left untreated, outbreak that’s ever been recorded. The civil war has also internally displaced over 3.3 million people within Yemen from their homes and around one million refugees fled from Yemen. The crisis in Yemen is deteriorating each day and unless we do something in order to turn the tide of the wave, then we are as ignorant as the people who source the unprovoked attacks on civilians and damage over three fourths of the population’s lives. By turning a blind eye to the man-made disaster, Yemen will continue to be the worst case of humanitarian crisis in our world’s history. Organizations like UNICEF contributes and aids hose in Yemen by proving efforts to end the cruelty that people, especially the children, of Yemen are facing.

Posted 02/02/2020