New Empire A Little Braver Mp3 Download

But do you know what comes before being able to be a little braver? A burst of feeling scared. Scared of changes, scared of failing(s), scared of being in a completely new environment, scared of being outside your comfort zone.

The song "A Little Braver" by New Empire is about embracing changes and being brave when faced with difficult moments in life. The narrator reflects on how things are different now and how his feelings of love and longing remain even though people around him have changed. He is determined to not give up, and instead he will become stronger, wiser and braver to protect his heart and move forward. The lyrics emphasize how change can be difficult, but also how it can create opportunities and growth if the narrator is brave enough to face it.

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Part of the historical dismissal of Tecumseh and Laura Secord isthe recurrent attempt to see them as the most successful (or the most"literary") of the artistic failures that typify, Canadianplaywriting in the late Victorian age. Against this, I suggest that they werenot failures at all and that in their own terms they succeeded in commandingthe imagined theatres of their authors. This becomes more clear when weconsider their material connection of place and polemical context to a third,less noticed, play: James Bovell Mackenzie's Thayendangea. These threeplays comprise a panoramic trilogy, a call and response that establishes adialogue about aboriginality, empire, and homeland to envision a BritishCanada nation. It is crucial that they were all written in Southern Ontarioand share a centralizing political vision of imperial federation and colonialnationalism. They are all consciously monumental, in the sense that AdolpheAppia described a generation later: "Every work is monumental whichrelies on its duration rather than upon immediate usefulness; thereforemonumental works are intended to stimulate men's admiration rather thantheir gratitude" (Beacham 283).

The zenith of the British dream of a world empire can beidentified to the exact minute, but the time of that minute moved with therotation of the earth. On Sunday, June 26, 1897, to celebrate the DiamondJubilee of Queen Victoria, the Sons of England organized a service of"Thanksgiving for Her Majesty's Accession to the Throne" sixtyyears earlier, "to be held in continuous succession through the BritishColonies around the World." The service was so planned that in every,colony congregations would sing "God Save the Queen" at 4 p.m.local time. Distributed with the text of the service was a chart of localstarting times for the anthem, set beside "Time at the Heart of theEmpire--Windsor Castle." The service commenced in Fiji at 4:20 a.m. GMTand moved west around the globe, finishing eight hours later (12:13 GMT) inVictoria, BC. For the duration of that day, someone, somewhere, was alwayssinging the royal anthem.

Throughout the empire, the Jubilee was the occasion of holidaysand public performances. In London, Ontario, the Jubilee celebrationsincluded a "Grand Military Tournament," with 2000 troops from eightregional units, a "Monster Society Procession," baseball games,bicycle races, and a mass concert of Handel's Samson. In Victoria, thefour-day celebration included a military review by the local militia and theseaman and marines of the Royal Navy garrison, lacrosse matches and baseballgames, a pyrotechnic display, a regatta, and a "Grand SpectacularExtravaganza of the Carnival of Madrid." As Lytton Strachey wrote of theJubilee, "Imperialism is a faith as well as a business" (Hudson223).

For millions of British subjects, some enthusiastic, many moreunwilling, the Empire was made visible through such spectacular displays andpublic performances. The theatrical spectacle of empire permeated every,level of society and crossed borders of class, race, and nation. It beganwith the massive ceremonial spectacle of the monarchy itself, and itsvice-regal replications around the world. The empire staged itself through avast hierarchy of pageants, re-enactments offered as proof of their origin.Pageants are regulatory readings that propose and stabilize ideologicallydetermined communities, and, in that sense, they recruit the audience ascomplicit co-performers. The reception of the representation is the receptionof the event it enacts--or literally re-stages. Consequently, becausepageants leave no room for critical negotiation, they offer a parade of iconsthat progressively accumulate as a narrative embodiment of the (presumably)consensual ideology shared by the audience. Authenticity is provided by theexercise of power that requisitions and mobilizes the pageant in the firstplace.

Pageantry theatricalized the public sphere through the iconicpower of state ceremonial. Even in a provincial backwater like Toronto, a"Grand Military Review," such as the one held in 1901 for the Dukeand Duchess of Cornwall and York in Toronto, could parade 11,000 militiatroops in a mass patriotic spectacle. This was nothing in comparison to theimmense Indian durbars that mobilized entire divisions and the annualmaneuvers of the British army at Aldershot, staged to awe the world. Perhapsthe greatest pageant of all time in this vein was the Diamond Jubilee NavalReview at Spithead, in 1897, in which the entire Home Fleet of the Royal Navyperformed itself with a procession of 21 battleships, 53 cruisers, 30destroyers, and 24 torpedo boats (Hudson 176). (1) For most citizens of theempire, these displays of state spectacle were rare events, more commonlyknown through newspaper reports, broadsheet songs, and popular illustrations.The range of state spectacles in imperial Canada included a variety, ofspectacular practices, from government-sponsored pageants such as the massiveQuebec Tercentenary, (in which tradition we can place the 1929 ConfederationJubilee in Ottawa, and most lavish of them, the Centennial Celebrations of1967) to semi-private affairs that replicated the ceremonies of the royalcourt in Rideau Hall.

The character plot is little more than a sketch that outlines theshape of a conventional drama. For the most part, the play consists ofspeeches--not unlike The Theatre of Neptune in New France, three centuriesbut only a few miles removed. Each of the "children" has anoratorical set-piece that conjures an imagined England as an originaryparadise. Ontario's is typical:

In a Nova Scotia classroom, in a scene that was replayed inclassrooms across the country, Imperial Britain enacted a vision of Canada asfile instrument through which the new imperium of racial destiny wasarticulated and negotiated. This was the empire in practice, played throughthe community efforts of its (white) citizens. The stage on which theschoolchildren recited the script of their teacher was, through the medium ofthe imagined theatre, a platform that joined with countless others, to forman imperial stage on which regiments marched, pageant-masters restagedepisodes of glory, and playwrights offered verse dramas.

Parker's followers retained this romantic pastoralism even asthey continued his precedent of placing the pageant form at the service ofthe state. The most successful of his disciples was Frank Lascelles, whobuilt an international career out of staging monumental pageants around theempire--including the Opening of Parliament in Cape Town in 1910 and the vastCoronation Durbar in Calcutta in 1912. In Canada, Lascelles staged themassive Quebec Tercentenary on the Plains of Abraham in 1908 and a productionof Hardy's The Dynasts in Toronto at the Royal Alexandra Theatre in1916. In contrast to the amateur medievalism of Parker, Lascelles'pageants drew on the utmost resources of the state, mobilizing armybattalions, commandeering entire towns, appropriating when possible theceremonial performances of the aristocracy. Like many empire-builders of hisage, Lascelles collected honours from aboriginal peoples. The Iroquois namedhim Tehonikonraku, "The man of infinite resources" (New York Times26 May 1934). He was, in fact, a man of infinite connections.

Few self-identified pageant masters attained such internationaldistinction, but some managed to build careers in the interstice of empireand spectacle. One such was John Henderson, a London-based playwright anddirector who assisted Lascelles on the Quebec pageant, and whose reference ina letter to "my folks in Oakville and Toronto" suggests Canadianorigin (Henderson, 29 June 1913). Henderson's repertoire included anumber of stock pageants, a number of military dramas set in the Canadianwest, and productions of Uncle Tom's Cabin and The Octoroon. (2)

"You must join in." Because if you don't, you arenot part of the community of response, you are not part of the Empire. Evenin the significantly less diverse demographic of Edwardian Toronto this was aproblematic position because the pageant was more than a celebration of thefact of the empire; it was also a deeply ethnocentric celebration ofBritishness, which ranked English tradition (the QOR) higher than theScottish and Irish regiments in the Toronto militia. Beyond the British,there is only absence. There is one place in the program where this absenceexposes crisis. The Pageant of Ontario, like so much imperialist literatureof the day, romanticizes aboriginality even as it contributes to the erasureof First Nations cultural presence.

Wherever possible in the casting of the pageant, Hendersonattempted to concretise the relationship of history and spectacle byrepresenting historic figures by appropriate performers: soldiers representedsoldiers; society ladies, drawn from the Queen's Own affiliated chapterof the Imperial Order of the Daughters of the Empire (including Mrs. AmbroseSmall, wife of the famous theatrical entrepreneur), represented high society.The program lists the names of the actors with two significant exceptions.Tecumseh and Thayandanagea (Joseph Brant) are portrayed as iconic figures whoin the imaginary of the pageant embody aboriginal enthusiasm for imperialrule. Brant is listed as played "by one of his descendants";Tecumseh, "by one of his lineal descendants" (Queen's Own25-26). The absence of names erases the material reality, of contemporaryaboriginality by stripping the actors of identity to establish genealogicalauthority. The inclusion of unnamed lineal descendants is in itself an act ofcultural genocide. It is quite possible that these listings are in facttheatrical hype, although the pageant did include a group of thirty-six menfrom the Six Nations reserve. We are told by the regimental history that theywere "very appreciative of the fact that they had been permitted topresent their race according to their own interpretation" (Queen'sOwn 91). They were not, however, permitted to participate in the productionof the fundamental terms of representation which cast them as the last heroesof a vanished race, who can step onto the stage only as a cultural memory.Their function was to perform the landscape on which empire is built and toserve as a mythic chorus to invest old Ontario with deep meaning. This wasliterally the case in the first "epoch," in which Simcoe takes hisleave to a chorus of Indians who chant, "No go, our Father! No goa-way-way" (Queen's Own 13). ff782bc1db