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He was born in Savannah on December 2, 1735, to Perla and Benjamin Sheftall, who had arrived in the Georgia colony, along with about forty other Jewish immigrant families, in 1733. They sailed on the William and Sarah from London, England, and the Sheftalls were founding members of Congregation Mickve Israel. Sheftall was only eleven years old when his formal education ended, for lack of schools. By the time he was seventeen, he had begun what was to be a highly successful career as a merchant, buying and tanning deerskins to sell at a profit. When he was just eighteen years old, he had accumulated enough money to purchase fifty acres in Vernonburg, near Savannah.

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This paper studies the dynamic volatility properties of a monetary economy in which agents hold Rational Beliefs (see Kurz (1994), (1997)) rather than Rational Expectations. Except for this feature the examined Rational Belief Equilibrium (in short, RBE) is entirely standard: markets are competitive, prices are flexible and all information is symmetric. The paper demonstrates a) The RBE paradigm offers an integrated theory of real and financial volatility with a high volume of trade. Most volatility in an RBE is induced endogenously through the beliefs of agents. b) Although our RBE assumes fully competitive markets in which prices are fully flexible,the diverse expectations of agents can explain most of the familiar features of monetary equilibria. This includes, money non-neutrality, Phillips curve and impulse response functions with respect to monetary shocks. c) Agents with diverse but inconsistent beliefs may induce socially undesirable excess fluctuations even when the allocation is ex-ante Pareto optimal. Central bank policy should aim to reduce the endogenous component of this volatility.

and of the sum of money that Haman had promised to pay to the king's

treasuries for the Jews, to destroy them

the 10,000 talents of silver he proposed to pay into the king's exchequer in lieu of the Jews' tribute; which Mordecai observes, to show how bent he was upon the destruction of the Jews, and cared not what it cost him to gain his point; and perhaps Mordecai as yet might not know that the king had remitted it.

Connections: Both are video-gaming duos who are best friends and sometimes they compete or fight to see one of them is the superior. One is a tall and sometimes smart friend (Anthony and Mordecai) and one is a short, stupid, and messy (Ian and Rigby). Both of their shows features adult jokes. Both of them discovered a book which can make their writing into reality (Death Note and Book of Park Records). Both of them also found a magic keyboard that can do whatever they want (Magic Keyboard and The Power). Both also compete in a staring contest. Both of their one friend has a hair problem (Anthony got caught in an explosion and became bald while Mordecai lost a bet and had a blonde haircut.) that results to them being a good cause (Anthony getting money while he's acting lonely in the street and Mordecai getting cool new blonde friends.) while the other friend, who cause the problem in the first place, (Ian bribed the doctor to put a bald cap on Anthony and Rigby cheating the bet.) loses their time with them. In the end, even though they had their fights and troubles, they're still best friends. Each episode in their stories starts out with them living normal lazy suburban lives until things get crazy. Their shows were also considered to have gone downhill in the later seasons for different reasons (Regular Show having less crazy stoner adventures in favor of romance drama & Smosh relying more on repetitive gimmicks rather than more creative sketches). Both of these duos aren't together anymore (Anthony going in a different direction with his own channel/Mordecai and Rigby growing up and going their separate ways). However, they occasionally meet each other again. Both of them discovered magical Fortune Cookies (Ian and Anthony had fortune cookies which could tell the future/Mordecai and Rigby had fortune cookies which could give people good luck and bad luck). Both are also considered to have a rivalry with other shows (Adventure Time and Good Mythical Morning). Both even have a episode where they mess with time because of a dumb reason. This also might be completely useless to add, but both are opponents for Red and Blue (Dick Figures).

Roberts takes on the job of spirit traveling because he is bribed to do so with quite a lot of money. He continues it because he gets used to the money, which fact puts him under the Wraith's power, since Roberts will get into real trouble when his double life is revealed.

(Mordecai and Rigby shoot at the boombox with yellow lasers, which it got destroyed and the explosion wiped off Silver Dude's silver paint off him, then the crowd cheers and the money goes back into Mordecai and Rigby's sombrero.)

Silver Dude: Well, I'm a Silver Dude and I'm here to say...Give me the money! (He tried to take the money from Mordecai and Rigby's sombrero, but he hit an edge of an invisible glass placed by the God of Street Performing) Oh no! No, please! Don't send me to street jail! (the God of Street Performing turns Silver Dude into a mime) No! (the God of Street Performing starts to lift the invisible box which has Silver Dude in it with gravity, then he hits Silver Dude up in the sky and he explodes)

In July 1812, after the war against Great Britain and Spain had begun, the United States was still paying a yearly tribute to the Dey of Algiers, who complained that the United States still owed him $27,000, and threatened that unless paid he would enslave all Americans in the country. U.S. Consul General Tobias Lear (1762-1816) borrowed the money and paid the dey, but was still expelled, with all Americans, from the country.

(They take a sip of coffee, and the montage scene resumes with faster music. The duo are back at work at ultra-high speed. Benson is pleasantly surprised at how sparkling the house is and hands over the overtime pay to Mordecai and Rigby. They vacuum it up before tearing open the vacuum bags to get the money back)

"For value received, I hereby guaranty the performance of the within contract, on the part of Hopkins & Leach, and in case of nonperformance thereof to refund to Messrs. Hillard & Mordecai all sums of money they may pay or advance thereon, with interest from the time the same is paid."

This contract is not in the alternative, but consists of two terms -- one, that the principals shall perform their engagement, not merely by the delivery of some machinery, but of such machinery as the contract includes; the other that if there be a nonperformance, whether excusable or not, the money advanced on the contract shall be secured to the plaintiffs to the extent to which the principals are liable.

So where the machinery delivered was imperfect and the two contracting parties had exchanged receipts, but the imperfection was afterwards discovered and the recipients of the machinery had to expend money upon it, the guarantor is responsible for it.

"For value received, I hereby guaranty the performance of the within contract on the part of Hopkins & Leach, and in case of nonperformance thereof, to refund to Messrs. Hillard & Mordecai all sums of money they may pay or advance thereon, with interest from the time the same is paid."

CHAPTER 17 Kaplan's Influence on jewish Social Work Harriet A. Feiner As with his other work, Mordecai Kaplan expressed his ideas on social work in the context of an integrated view of the American jewish life of his era. Although his teaching, writing, and lecturing related to jewish social work comprise only a small part of his contribution to jewish thought, his influence extended at least from 1925, when he began to teach at the Training School for jewish Social Work in New York-later known as the Graduate School for jewish Social Work-to 1964, when he last spoke to the annual meeting of the National Conference of jewish Communal Service. During those years, he addressed varied contemporary social welfare issues; however, his major message for the jewish social work community involved his conviction that a vital organized democratic jewish community was essential for healthy jewish life in the United States. When jews came to the United States, they brought with them a long tradition of providing for the needs of their own poor, sick, and aged members through a well-organized community structure. In the United States, they also established institutions to take care of the needy. However, the structured community context of Old World jewry was absent. Nevertheless, as early as 1895, jews organized local federations of agencies, initially to raise philanthropic funds 357 358 HARRIET A. FEINER and later to plan for community needs as well. These federations became models for the community chests organized in the nonsectarian community. By 1938, there were seventy local jewish federations that had joined together in 1935 to form the National Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds.' The federations were a mechanism for providing for that part of the Jewish population that had difficulty in adjusting to the United States or in meeting the needs ofJews in general. Those who arrived earlier were particularly interested in the economic adjustment and Americanization of later immigrants. In addition, hospitals were founded, partly to provide health care for the jewish poor, but also to provide hospital connections for Jewish physicians. The 1925 budget of the New York Federation provided more than three times as much money for medical care and medical social services as for community centers.2 By and large, federations spent only a small part of their budgets on jewish educational or cultural activities. Until the massive unemployment of the 1930s, Jewish philanthropic agencies met the needs of jewish people because the government took negligible responsibility for the subsistence of those who could not provide for themselves. Philanthropy was still a private matter. In 1899, the National Conference of jewish Social Service was organized by lay and professional leaders of federation agencies.3 In time, this organization became the professional organization of Jewish social workers, paralleling a similar organization of social workers in the general community. One of the major purposes of the conference was the establishment of standards for professional social work practice in jewish agencies. This Jewish concern for professional standards emerged as the social work profession itself was emerging. The first school of social work in the United States was founded in 1898 by the New York Charity Organization Society ." Thus, it can be said the professional Jewish social work was born in the United States at the same time that professional social work was born. jewish social work was defined as social work with Jewish clients in agencies under Jewish auspices supported by jewish contributions . From the beginning, tension existed between those who believed that, though social workers needed to understand the cui- KAPLAN'S INFLUENCE ON JEWISH SOCIAL WORK 359 tural heritage of their clients, the methods of social work were universal and those who believed that Jewish social work required not only knowledge of the client's culture but a commitment to furthering the interests of the Jewish community. The latter group defined social work in broader terms to include cultural, recreational , educational, and organizational aspects. This tension became more acute after the 1930s, when economic conditions made it impossible for private philanthropy, including Jewish agencies, to meet the overwhelming need brought on by economic upheaval. Government began to assume ever-increasing responsibility, partly through public agencies and partly through grants to private agencies . (At present, almost no agencies can resist the seduction of public funds. But these funds do not come without concomitant obligations to serve regardless of ethnic or religious identification and to provide designated kinds of services.) As early as... 2351a5e196