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Relationships to land and nature have long been recognized globally as a central Indigenous determinant of health. As more Indigenous peoples migrate to larger urban centers, it is crucial to better understand how these relationships are maintained or function within urban spaces. This article outlines the results of a year-long collaborative study that qualitatively explored Indigenous young peoples' connections between "land," nature, and wellness in an urban Canadian context. Thirty-eight semi-structured interviews were conducted with 28 Cree and Mtis Indigenous youth living within Saskatoon, Saskatchewan. A strength based analysis focused on re-imagining miyo-wicehtowin; that is, the processes of youths' self-determination and agency that build positive human-nature relationships and enact "land-making" amidst their urban spaces. This research critically engages environmental dispossession and repossession to more readily consider decolonizing land-based approaches to health and wellness among urban contexts. Future empirical and methodological directions for exploring human-nature relationships in urban health research are also offered.
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The miyo resource discusses foundational beliefs and approaches of Indigenous peoples to promote well-being and resiliency and outlines an evaluative process that honours an Indigenous worldview. This resource supports provincial implementation of the Well-Being and Resiliency Framework by outlining an evaluative framework that recognizes culturally-based practice and assesses program effectiveness and the achievement of outcomes in a meaningful way. The miyo resource was developed recognizing that western-based evaluation practices are generally not effective when working with Indigenous communities. It includes a model for service delivery and outcome and performance measurement that accurately and culturally assesses the impact and value of culturally designed services provided by and for Indigenous client populations.
Utilizing narrative inquiry, 15 nhiyawak (Plains Cree people) between 18 and 71 years of age from Thunderchild First Nation were interviewed to explore what improved their mental health and well-being and what they needed to attain optimal mental health and well-being. By posing questions that focused on the positive, the strengths and resilience of the nhiyawak came to the forefront.
Narrative thematic analysis of interview data consistently revealed four overarching themes that highlighted what positively impacted nhiyawak mental health and well-being and their perceived needs to attain optimal mental health and well-being: relationships; spiritual beliefs and cultural practices; tnissi wpahtaman pimtisiwin (worldview); and kwa hi kikwaya piko ka-ispayiki kspin ka-noht-miyo-mahcihoyn (these are the things that need to happen if I want to be healthy). The nhiyawak in this study described holistic health determinants that correlate with the medicine wheel and the determinants of health, and described these holistic health determinants as making a positive difference to their mental health and as necessary for them to obtain optimal mental health and well-being.
These results suggest that mental health programming and interventions should be harmonious with Indigenous culture; utilize a holistic approach that takes physical, emotional, mental, and spiritual well-being into consideration; and address the existing mental health disparities using the determinants of health as a framework, with an increased focus on the current socio-economic status of Indigenous peoples in Canada.
There is an abundance of literature that clearly describes the existing health disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people in Canada. It is timely to collaborate respectfully with Indigenous peoples to ask them what contributes to their mental health and well-being. Having this first-hand knowledge is an important first step in mental health program planning and in delivering effective mental health care to Indigenous peoples.
The primary goal of this research project was to explore factors that improve the mental health and well-being of the nhiyawak from Thunderchild First Nation and what they perceived as necessary to attain optimal mental health and well-being. Secondly, the first author, an Indigenous woman, wanted to conduct research that was strength-based and would give voice to contemporary Indigenous (Plains Cree) people from her community of Thunderchild First Nation, Saskatchewan.
Why does the health and mental status of Indigenous people continue to lag behind non-Indigenous people in Canada? This is an important question, and the answer is embedded within the Indigenous/non-Indigenous historical relationship, specifically colonization. This historical relationship is the fundamental root of the current health disparities experienced by Indigenous people on a daily basis [8, 30, 33, 42, 43, 62].
In addition, as a result of the colonization process, Indigenous peoples have been subjected to a multitude of traumatic experiences [45, 62]. Unfortunately, contemporary Indigenous people continue to experience trauma either through neocolonial practices [62] or through injury [7]. Indigenous peoples have approximately a four-fold risk of severe trauma (physical) when compared to the non-Indigenous population [29].
Given the growing awareness of the many social and economic issues that have and continue to have an impact on First Nations communities, there has been increased urgency to develop and implement effective community interventions to address existing mental health issues.
Nhiyawak who participated in this study met the following criteria: (a) Band member of Thunderchild First Nation, living on or off reserve, (b) 18 years of age and over, and (c) interested in participating in this project. Within this study, Elders were: (a) Band members of Thunderchild First Nation, living on or off reserve, (b) greater than 50 years of age, (c) identified by Chief and Council or other members of the community, and (d) interested in participating in this project.
Fifteen nhiyawak agreed to participate in a semi-structured narrative interview. nhiyawak were between 18 and 71 years of age; seven were male and eight were female. Of these 15 participants, three were Elders: two female Elders were 62 and 70 years old, one male Elder was 62 years old. The nhiyawak level of education varied from grade 4 to completion of an undergraduate university degree. In addition, 13 of the 15 nhiyawak had a source of income either from being employed, receiving a pension, or living with their parents while attending high school.
The first author met with each participants two times. The first meeting at the health clinic was to answer their questions, obtain consent, and complete the audio-recorded interview. Two to three weeks later, a second interview was attended by most participants which provided an opportunity for them to review their transcript from the first interview and change any content if desired. For the nhiyawak who were unable to meet in person a second time at the health clinic, their second meeting occurred over the telephone.
As part of the ethical preparation for the research, the primary researcher met with the Chief and Council three times to discuss the research project in advance, and once with the Health Director and health staff. Approval was obtained by the University of Saskatchewan Behavioural Research Ethics Board and the Chief and Council of the Thunderchild First Nation, via a Band Council Resolution (BCR).
Analysis of the nhiyawak narrative interviews consistently revealed four overarching themes that highlighted what positively impacted their mental health and well-being, and what they need to attain optimal mental health and well-being: (a) relationships; (b) spiritual beliefs and cultural practices; (c) tnissi wpahtaman pimtisiwin (worldview); and (d) kwa hi kikwaya piko ka-ispayiki kspin ka-noht-miyo-mahcihoyn (these are the things that need to happen if I want to be healthy). An elaboration of these themes in the words of the nhiyawak follows.
These relationships allowed them to express their feelings; provided acceptance and a sense of belonging, pride and respect; provided the opportunity to reflect on their past experiences, different perspectives, and new ideas; ending and beginning new relationships fostered personal growth and self-awareness; and finally, relationships provided them with hope, knowing that they can always turn to a family member or friends for support.
One woman shared how her spirituality was making a positive difference to her mental health. She explained how spirituality had been integrated into her daily life and that to her was religion. She wondered how others cope without having spiritual connections and expressed empathy for those who attended the residential schools and were forbidden to practice their spirituality and culture: 152ee80cbc
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