Research Interests
Research Interests
Comparative Political Economy: Environmental Policy, Industrial Policy, Europe
Democratization: State, Social Movements, Development, Middle East and North Africa
Methodology: Mixed-methods, Qualitative methods
My research interests are primarily divided into two thematic issue areas with different regional foci: Comparative political economy of Europe and democratization in the Middle East and North Africa. In the context of Europe, more specifically, I study political economy of green energy transition and industrial policy. In the context of the Middle East and North Africa, I am interested in explaining the region's ongoing democratization dynamics with respect to the state and social movements and economic development.
In addition to these substantive issue areas, I also study methodology. In this subfield, I am interested in developing optimal mixed-method designs, combining quantitive and qualitative methodologies. I also have a special interest in studying research designs in which qualitative methods complement each other in the best way in social science inquiry.
You can find details about my ongoing research and publications below!
Also for my Google Scholar profile click here!
Ongoing research/Working papers
Choosing who to foot the bill: Distributional Politics of Green Energy Transition in Germany and the UK*
Green energy transition is inherently a distributional phenomenon. The government can shape how the costs and benefits of this transition are allocated among society and the market in a variety of ways. I refer to these interventions as distributive strategies, which include economization, redistribution, and compensation. Variations in the use of these strategies can have a significant impact on the spread of the costs and benefits of green energy transition i) between consumers-producers, ii) among consumers, and iii) between consumers-taxpayers. For instance, in Germany, the transition disproportionately benefitted renewable energy producers in comparison to the UK due to insufficient economization. Additionally, excessive redistribution in Germany led to an imbalance in burden-sharing, favoring industry at the expense of other renewable energy consumers, such as households-something less pronounced in the UK. Finally, Germany's comprehensive compensation schemes spread the costs of the transition more broadly than in the UK. Such cross-case variations raise critical questions about the equity of green energy transition: Why are the costs and benefits distributed disproportionately in one country but not in another? What compromises its fairness? And what determines the use of strategies that dictate distributional outcomes? This research seeks to answer these questions by studying the green energy transition in two countries frequently examined in the comparative political economy literature: Germany and the UK. By situating partisan politics, electoral dynamics, and interest group dynamics within a framework akin to public choice analysis, the study explores the interplay between political parties, renewable energy consumers and producers, and taxpayers. I argue that Germany and the UK employed different distributive strategies due to the differences in the two key dimensions of this framework: (i) the partisan orientation of ruling political parties, and (ii) the organized interests of consumer and producer groups, as well as taxpayers. In addition, I demonstrate how contingent dynamics associated with these variables affected the cross-case differences in outcomes.
Available at APSA preprints and SSRN
*presented at MPSA 2022, CES 2022, APSA 2022
“New Politics” of Green Energy Transition: Evidence from Europe
Subsidies given to renewable energy technologies are a critical component of energy transition. Since the early 1990s, a substantive deal of subsidies has been granted to renewable energy sectors to facilitate the green energy transition in Europe. Subsidies, on the other hand, are usually given only temporarily: Once the market for new renewable technologies matures and becomes competitive, the government should gradually roll back subsidies. As the cost of installations decreases over time, there should be a corresponding and timely reduction in subsidy levels. At least, this is what established state aid rules in European countries suggest. In reality, however, it is not always quite easy to achieve such optimal conditions in a subsidy regime: Policy makers often struggle to orchestrate their attempts to reduce subsidies with real-time market conditions. Most importantly, decision-making processes are plagued by the pursuit of particularistic interests, with private interests triumphing over public interests: Once given, it often gets difficult to take back economic privileges like subsidies due to opposition and vested interests in the burgeoning renewable energy sectors. In this research, I aim to test this argument by using a large-N dataset on renewable subsidy levels in OECD countries. To further specify causal pathways in my argument, I also aim to utilize a nested analysis based on case studies from Germany, the United Kingdom and Denmark. In these case studies, I intend to investigate specific episodes for degression in renewable subsidies in which the government ended up doing less degression in subsidies than it had originally planned because of the influence of political veto players and resistance from renewable energy producers.
*to be presented at APSA 2023
Integrating Qualitative-Methods in Social Science Inquiry*
Although burgeoning studies on qualitative research methods have been quite helpful in demonstrating the diversity of such methodological tools, not much has been written to map out these tools' differential functions in the entire research process and explain how they can complement each other. From hypothesis testing to measurement and conceptualization, research process consists of different stages. In most stages, qualitative research methods usually share a lot, but there are also stages in which qualitative methods can offer different functionalities like generalization and causal identification as well as data collection. First, we offer anaccount of these differences. Second, to offer a practical guideline, we explain how researchers can bring together qualitative methods in a complementary way to satisfy the requirements of modern social science inquiry. More specifically, we explain how qualitative tools can be utilized most effectively at each researchstep and how each qualitative tool can be combined with others throughout entire research process. Particularly in data generation, causal identification and generalization, we have a considerable maneuvering space to form optimal combinations of qualitative tools that can best serve the needs of our research. By drawing on an original data set which documents how various qualitative tools are employed in various academic outlets, our research aims to identify best practices, spot prevalent shortcomings, and offer possible solutions.
*with Mehmet Yegin; to be presented at MPSA 2023, APSA 2024; this research receives support from Center for Innovation in Social Science at Boston University,
Publications
The coercive power and democratic transition in the post-uprising Middle East and North Africa
Time has shown that attempts to transition to democracy in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) following the Arab Uprisings were no minor feat. In their experiments with democratization, MENA countries faced a number of challenges that remain underexplored. Even though each county’s path towards democratic transition is multifaceted and multicausal, in this article we set out to understand why attempts to transition to democracy have largely failed in post-uprising MENA with the unique exception of Tunisia. We do so by examining four post-uprising cases – Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, and Yemen – from a comparative perspective focusing on the coercive power of the state. Our findings suggest that in the presence of weak state institutions that lose their monopoly over coercive means that constrain non-state actors, democratization tends to fail. Yet, even if state mechanisms are strong, challenges to democratic transitions can still persist, especially if such states house politically motivated security institutions, such as influential militaries, that favour authoritarian rule. Within the larger picture, this work also provides further inferences about the relationship between structural aspects of the state and processes of democratization.
Hecan, Mehmet, and Fouad Farhaoui. "The coercive power and democratic transition in the post-uprising Middle East and North Africa." Democratization 28.6 (2021): 1152-1171. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2021.1897788.
Democratisation in ambiguous environments: positive prospects for democracy in the MENA region after the Arab Spring
Instead of writing off the post-uprising period in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) as a failed attempt at democratisation, this article argues that the region is still undergoing an ambiguous and contingent process in which democratisation survives as one likely path among others. From this alternative viewpoint, the uprisings have multi-faceted, complex and uncertain consequences that constitute the beginnings of a long-term transitional phase in which various forces of political development continue to coexist in competing fashions. We argue that amidst this ambiguous process, the uprisings have introduced game-changing dynamics with regard to democratisation. We further attempt to identify these dynamics and discuss the potential value of the post-uprising experience as an asset for regional democratisation. For this purpose, we underline at least three crucial aspects of the post-uprising experience regarding democratic development in the region: (1) the demonstration of the potential for political change, (2) the contribution to the democratic learning curve, and (3) the emergence of Tunisia as a ‘transition game’. This study aims to serve as a guiding analytical exercise in the study of democratisation within ambiguous political environments, such as the post-uprising MENA region, where identifying the direction of democratisation may prove difficult.
Dinçer, Osman Bahadır, and Mehmet Hecan. "Democratisation in ambiguous environments: positive prospects for democracy in the MENA region after the Arab Spring." Third World Quarterly 41.12 (2020): 2087-2108. https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2020.1811084.
Comparative political economy of the IMF arrangements after the Arab uprisings: Egypt and Tunisia
In the post-uprising period, while Tunisia was relatively successful in its negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which provided it with a stand-by agreement in the amount of $1.74 billion, Egypt remained far from reaching any agreement. In an attempt to explain the difference between the IMF experiments in the two countries, that is, the factors leading to the signing of an agreement with the IMF or the inability to do so, this article proposes two arguments, based upon one positive and one negative factor: (1) distinctive domestic political dynamics and (2) the availability of alternative resources. In the two cases, the article argues that the IMF experiment was more successful in Tunisia because Tunisia enjoyed a more suitable domestic political environment which promoted and enabled reforms and thus enabled the negotiations with the IMF. Tunisia also lacked alternative resources that could be used as substitutes for the IMF loan. On the other hand, the IMF negotiations were not successful in Egypt as mounting social and political opposition decreased the ability of the government to maintain economic reforms and negotiate an IMF loan and the existence of alternative resources created disincentives. Furthermore, not only pointing out the importance of ‘alternative funds’ and the ‘domestic political environment’ with regard to the demand side of the IMF loans, this article also debates the relative strengths of the variables, and argues that alternative funds matter more than the domestic political environment.
Hecan, Mehmet. "Comparative political economy of the IMF arrangements after the Arab uprisings: Egypt and Tunisia." The Journal of North African Studies 21.5 (2016): 765-793. https://doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2016.1195268