An indictment was unsealed today in the Eastern District of Michigan charging two Italian nationals, along with a previously charged co-conspirator, for their alleged role in a conspiracy to defraud U.S. regulators and customers by making false and misleading statements about the emissions controls and fuel efficiency of more than 100,000 diesel vehicles sold in the United States by FCA US LLC.

Pasini and Sabbioni are each charged with one count of conspiracy to defraud the United States and to violate the Clean Air Act, one count of conspiracy to commit wire fraud, and six counts of violating the Clean Air Act. If convicted, Pasini and Sabbioni each face up to five years in prison on the conspiracy count to defraud the United States and to violate the Clean Air Act, up to 20 years in prison on the conspiracy count to commit wire fraud, and up to two years in prison for each count of violating the Clean Air Act. A federal district court judge will determine any sentence after considering the U.S. Sentencing Guidelines and other statutory factors.


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Grounded in the theoretical framework of the dual-process motivational model of ideology and politics, we investigated the mediational role of RWA and SDO on the relationship between voting for populist parties and conspiracy beliefs; the moderation of political interest was also explored. Collapsing different convenience samples gathered after the European election (2014/2015) and the General National Election (2018/2019) allowed us to analyse two datasets (Study 1, n = 4141; Study 2, n = 2301). We hypothesised that populist voters would report higher conspiracy beliefs, RWA, and SDO, compared to non-populist voters and abstainers, and that populist voters would report more conspiracy beliefs through indirect pathways running through RWA and SDO. Furthermore, we hypothesised that such direct and indirect associations would be stronger for individuals with high rather than low political interest. Analyses of variance and moderated mediation models mostly confirmed our expectations, although RWA, and not SDO, mediated the relationships in the expected directions.

The coronavirus pandemic has seen a rise in harmful and misleading conspiracy theories, mostly spreading online. To address this trend, the European Commission and UNESCO are publicising a set of ten educational infographics helping citizens identify, debunk and counter conspiracy theories.

Looking for a real conspiracy? In 2006, the U.S. District Court in Washington DC (USA) ruled that major cigarette companies were guilty of conspiracy. For decades, they had hidden evidence of health risks attached to smoking to promote higher sales. (LA Times, 2006)

Conspiracy theories often target or discriminate against an entire group perceived as the enemy behind a real or imagined threat. They polarise society and fuel violent extremism. While most people who spread conspiracy theories genuinely believe in them, others deploy them cynically to achieve these effects.

Watch out: Perceived "out groups" of society are especially prone to be targets of conspiracy theories, hate speech and disinformation campaigns. This includes people of different origin, religion or sexual orientation. In the context of COVID-19, specific groups were frequently falsely blamed for the spread of the virus in Europe, including people of assumed Asian origin, Jews, Muslims, Roma, and people who identify as LGBTI+ (FRA, 2020).Conspiracy theories can have serious consequences. Take them seriously. Check before sharing. Stop the spread.

Not all conspiracy theories target Jews, but Jews have been the target of conspiracy theories for centuries. Jews have been falsely blamed for moments of crisis, such as diseases, wars, and economic crises.

Stopping the spread of conspiracy theories is challenging. There is no one-size-fits-all approach. It depends on the level of exposure. People who firmly believe in conspiracy theories are extremely difficult to reach.

Be careful, conspiracy theories are deceptive: they ignore scientific evidence and falsely blame individuals and groups that are not responsible for the pandemic. Do not share them.

Reliable sources of information are essential to counter the spread of conspiracy theories and disinformation. Journalists should report responsibly using verified sources, making sure not to reinforce conspiracy theories. This can be a challenge.

In the last decade, political protest events have been rising in Western democracies. At the same time, there has been a steady increase in the diffusion of conspiracy theories in political communication, a phenomenon that has captured the interest of scholars for its growing political relevance. However, while most research focuses on the reasons why citizens believe in conspiracies, studies looking at the political-behavioral implications of such beliefs, in particular their connection to political radicalism, have been more limited. In this paper, we investigate the association between people's belief in conspiracies and their propensity to endorse political violence or to legitimate radical political action. Building on pathway theories of radicalization, we argue that conspiracy theories provide narratives that might help people channel their feelings of resentment toward political targets, fueling radical attitudes. We provide some correlational evidence using survey data of US respondents collected on MTurk. We observe attitudes toward political violence using two multi-item batteries, one developed by us. Our results show that people who score higher on a scale of generic conspiracy belief are also more likely to endorse violent political actions.

With the accelerating presence of conspiracy narratives in modern politics in mind, this lecture analyzes wartime conspiracy narratives and myths promoted by the Fascist regime. Fascist propaganda evolved and drew on national as well as international, religious as well as secular, conspiracy theories.

Between 1936 and 1945, Fascist conspiracy narratives shifted from a focus on an international communist plot to destroy the Catholic Church, murder clergy, and force the faithful into states of mortal sin to a conspiracy narrative close to that promoted by Nazism.

The COVID-19 pandemic has created the perfect environment for conspiracy theories to flourish. Given its uncertain and inexplicable environment, people have turned to conspiracies to better understand the situation they are living in. In addition, thanks to the stay-at-home orders, people have spent the majority of their time on social media platforms, which are rife with conspiracy theories.

According to testimony, Perry pushed hard for Jeffrey Clark, former acting assistant attorney general for the civil division, to meet with top people in the White House, including the president, and drove up internet conspiracy theories that Republican legal experts said were patently false.

Correlation (Pearson coefficient) between couple of actions to each post in scientific and conspiracy news. Posts from conspiracy pages are more likely to be liked and shared by users, indicating a major commitment in the diffusion.

Number of classified users for each category and their commenting activity on the category in which they are classified and on the opposite category. Users polarized on conspiracy pages tend to interact especially in their community both in terms of comments and likes. Users polarized in science are more active elsewhere.

As a further investigation, we focus on the post where polarized users of both communities commented. Hence, we select the set of posts on which at least a polarized user of each of the two communities has commented. We find polarized users of communities debating on 7,751 posts (1,991 from science news and 5,760 from conspiracy news). The post at the interface, where the two communities discuss are mainly on the conspiracy side. As shown in Fig. 5, polarized users of scientific news made 13,603 comments on post published by conspiracy news (9.71% of their total commenting activity), whereas polarized users of conspiracy news commented on scientific posts only 5,954 times (0.92% of their total commenting activity, i.e. roughly ten times less than polarized users of scientific news).

Posts on which at least a member of each the two communities has commented. The number of posts is 7,751 (1,991 from scientific news and 5,760 from conspiracy news). Here we show the commenting activity in terms of polarized users on the two categories.

By warping Beyonc into a Illuminati-approved Rachel Dolezal, questioning her cultural identity, conspiracy theorists seek to delegitimize Beyonc and portray her as a dangerously deceptive individual.

Furthermore, members of the group mentioned the work of David Lane, a founding member of The Order, a white supremacist terrorist group active in the US in 1983-1984. Lane promoted a combination of anti-Semitic conspiracy and neo-pagan elements. In general, he can be considered as one of the most influential ideologues of the white supremacist cause, even after his death in prison in 2007. Another name that was evoked in these online communications is Lon Degrelle (1906-1994), a Belgian Nazi collaboration and a prominent figure in European neo-Nazism.

In conclusion, this latest police operation confirms that the fragmented extreme right-wing scene is vital in Italy. Furthermore, today at least some sectors of this extremist milieu have an interest in violence are ready to establish relations with like-minded groups and individuals abroad, make extensive of contemporary conspiracy theories (in addition to traditional ones), especially on the Web, and are actively involved in taking advantage of the COVID-19pandemic.

G Lo Moro, F Bert, E Minutiello, AL Zacchero, T Sinigaglia, G Colli, R Tatti, G Scaioli, R Siliquini, COVID-19 fake news, conspiracy beliefs and the role of eHealth literacy: an Italian nationwide survey, European Journal of Public Health, Volume 31, Issue Supplement_3, October 2021, ckab164.031, be457b7860

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