According to the Achilleid, written by Statius in the 1st century AD, and to non-surviving previous sources, when Achilles was born Thetis tried to make him immortal by dipping him in the river Styx; however, he was left vulnerable at the part of the body by which she held him: his left heel[12][13] (see Achilles' heel, Achilles tendon). It is not clear if this version of events was known earlier. In another version of this story, Thetis anointed the boy in ambrosia and put him on top of a fire in order to burn away the mortal parts of his body. She was interrupted by Peleus and abandoned both father and son in a rage.[14]

The Romans, who traditionally traced their lineage to Troy, took a highly negative view of Achilles.[88] Virgil refers to Achilles as a savage and a merciless butcher of men,[90] while Horace portrays Achilles ruthlessly slaying women and children.[91] Other writers, such as Catullus, Propertius, and Ovid, represent a second strand of disparagement, with an emphasis on Achilles' erotic career. This strand continues in Latin accounts of the Trojan War by writers such as Dictys Cretensis and Dares Phrygius and in Benot de Sainte-Maure's Roman de Troie and Guido delle Colonne's Historia destructionis Troiae, which remained the most widely read and retold versions of the Matter of Troy until the 17th century.

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In the second decade of the nineteenth century, Georgia was a place of great opportunity, and Michael Morris Healy had both the drive and the luck to take full advantage of it. He arrived just in time to participate in the lotteries that were redistributing lands only recently seized from the Cherokees, Creeks, and other native tribes, who were steadily being pushed out of the state altogether. Healy won a parcel in the lottery of 1823 and added two more in the drawings of 1832. Located just across the Ocmulgee River from the booming market town of Macon, his lands were in the heart of cotton country, and he put them to use cultivating the newly crowned agricultural "king." By mid-century he farmed fifteen hundred acres assessed at an impressive $8,300, and he owned forty-nine slaves at a time when the average owner in the county had only fourteen. These slaves were worth $34,000, the rough equivalent of half a million dollars today.(3) In a short time, the immigrant had become a very wealthy man.

Yamamoto is a fair-skinned man of average height. The oldest captain in the Gotei 13, he has aged into a elderly man with a bald head, deep wrinkles, hooked nose, and pronounced cheekbones. He has red eyes,[4] long eyebrows, long mustache, and a hip-length white beard secured by a purple band crossing down it. He has many scars on his body, with the two most prominent being a pair of long scars crossing above his right eye, one of which was left by his battle with his lieutenant.[5] In addition to the standard black shihakush, he wears a captain's long-sleeved haori draped over his back instead of actually wearing it, with its size being greatly exaggerated. Despite his old and frail demeanor, often standing in a slouch, he in fact has a very muscular and well-defined built, which he only reveals when serious for battle, something which Shunsui Kyraku claims is not seen too often. After his confrontation with Ssuke Aizen, Yamamoto lost his left arm.[6]

Soon afterward, Eddie was outraged when Liz proposed utilizing the infant symbiote's unique chemokinetic abilities in order to turn a profit for Alchemax. After storming out of her office, he was attacked by a Skrull Warbride named M'lanz, who tried to sever his connection with the Venom symbiote. Eddie was saved by a Kree man named Tel-Kar, who informed him that he was the Venom symbiote's original host. Venom took Tel-Kar to Alchemax for medical treatment, the symbiote regaining its long-suppressed memories of being bonded to him during the Kree-Skrull War. Revealing that years of torture had filled him with vengeful hatred, Tel-Kar blackmailed the symbiote into rejoining with him by threatening its offspring. Bonding to the young symbiote - dubbed Sleeper, Eddie was forced into an alliance with M'lanz to stop Tel-Kar from unleashing a species-annihilating bioweapon the Skrull had developed during the war. Eddie was able to rescue the Venom symbiote and the Kree armada denounced Tel-Kar, destroying the research station. Venom returning to Earth alongside the Sleeper symbiote, cutting ties with Alchemax. Tel-Kar revealed he had followed Venom to Earth and intended to use the last remaining sample of the bioweapon to exterminate humanity, but the Sleeper symbiote forcibly bonded to Tel-Kar and lobotomized him as revenge for what he'd done to its parent; departing to explore the cosmos after thanking Eddie for raising it.[136]

By Nick Tattersall ISTANBUL (Reuters) - Flanked by half a dozen body guards, Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan turns towards a crowd baying for his resignation in a mining town still shocked and grieving after the country's worst industrial disaster. Stern-faced and wagging his finger, he remonstrates with several men before leaning towards them over a police barricade and delivering a warning. "Don't be rude," he says, according to mobile phone footage captured by a member of the public and broadcast by the Dogan news agency. "If you boo the prime minister of this country, you'll get a slap." "Come here and jeer at me!" he dares another demonstrator in a separate clip before his entourage forces its way into a supermarket. Grainy footage from another phone, published by the Sol news website, appears to show him slapping a man in a blue T-shirt, who then drops to the floor next to an ice cream freezer as he is punched and kicked by suited bodyguards. The man, Taner Kurucan, initially told a Turkish television station that Erdogan had been unable to control himself in the heat of the moment and had given him an "involuntary slap". But he later said in an interview with a local broadcaster that he had been mistaken, and that the prime minister had in fact been trying to shield him from the body guards, CNN Turk and other media reports said on Sunday. Erdogan's aides denied he struck anyone, but the episode set in stark relief the impulsive tendencies of a man who has dominated Turkish politics for over a decade, and who takes criticism of his leadership as a deep personal affront. Yet while the sight of him confronting angry residents of a town still burying its dead may shock, it is unlikely to derail his ambition to become Turkey's first popularly elected president in August or to irreparably dent his image among a religiously conservative class who see him as their champion. To their eyes, Erdogan has delivered not only a decade of rising living standards, but social justice, promoting Islamic values and fighting for a segment of the population largely excluded from the privileges of state power for much of the past century by a secularist and Western-facing elite. If that means pugnacity in politics, so be it. Footage of the melee has emerged bit by bit on a handful of news websites and on social media since Erdogan's visit to Soma last Wednesday, a small town 480 km (300 miles) southwest of Istanbul where more than 300 miners died last week after fire sent carbon monoxide coursing through a coal mine. The disaster has sparked small-scale protests in cities around the country from demonstrators angry at what they see as the cosiness of Erdogan's AK Party with tycoons, its failure to ensure the safety of workers, and his insensitivity. Erdogan has done little to ease the tensions. He expressed regret for the disaster during his visit to Soma but entered a press conference there armed with a list of mining accidents starting in Victorian-era England, when children worked the pits by candle light and oil lamps, to defend himself against any suggestion of political culpability. "Explosions like this in these mines happen all the time," he said, reading off examples dating back a century and a half. "ANGER AND RAGE" Kurucan said he had not even been protesting and had gone to the supermarket to shop when Erdogan's entourage burst in next to the fruit section. The video footage shows Kurucan in the entrance way seeming to gesture for calm. "I saw the crowd coming towards me and I ended up face-to-face with the prime minister," he said in the initial interview with Kanal D television last week. "At that moment the guards started to push people about and Mr Prime Minister unfortunately could not control his anger and rage and involuntarily gave me a slap," he said, showing wounds to his arm and neck after the beating by the guards. AK Party spokesman Huseyin Celik said he had watched the footage and concluded there was no visual evidence of the prime minister striking anyone. Top Erdogan adviser Yalcin Akdogan accused "gang members" of attacking his entourage as he tried to meet grieving families. On the same day, one of Erdogan's deputy personal assistants, Yusuf Yerkel, was caught in photographs kicking a protester being wrestled to the ground by armed special forces officers. Yerkel, who has been given a week's leave, later said he regretted having been unable to control himself in the face of provocations. Celik said it was impossible to tell the whole truth from one photograph. POLARISATION Whoever threw the first punch, the episodes highlight not only a thuggish side of Turkish politics, but also a growing sense of polarisation in the country at large which Erdogan has exploited to consolidate his support. "Even if Erdogan survives with limited damage, the disaster has increased the likelihood that, if he is elected president in August, he will head a deeply divided country in which tensions and intermittent eruptions of anti-government protests will become the new norm," said Wolfango Piccoli, managing director of political risk research firm Teneo Intelligence. Erdogan's political rhetoric plays on an underlying schism reaching back to the 1920s when Mustafa Kemal Ataturk forged a secular republic from the ruins of an Ottoman theocracy, banishing Islam from public life, replacing Arabic with Latin script and promoting Western dress and women's rights. For many among his more ideological supporters, Erdogan and his Islamist-rooted AK Party represent an opportunity to redress the balance and settle scores, a powerful narrative in the country's conservative Anatolian heartlands. From weeks of anti-government protest last summer to a corruption scandal around his inner circle early this year, Erdogan has cast challenges to his authority as part of a foreign-backed conspiracy, an assault on Turkey's core values. Tempers have flared before. Parliamentarians threw punches and water bottles during a debate in January about government control over the judiciary. One ruling party MP leapt on a table and launched a flying kick as others wrestled and punched, with document folders and even an iPad flying through the air. Yet for all the turbulence, Erdogan's AK Party swept the map in municipal elections on March 30, retaining the main cities Istanbul and Ankara and fuelling his ambition to run for the presidency in three months' time. "Go to the ballot box tomorrow and teach them all a lesson," the blunt-talking premier, son of a poor sea captain hardened by a childhood in Istanbul's rough Kasimpasa district, said of his opponents on the eve of the March election. "Let's give them an Ottoman slap." The farcical scenes in Soma at the height of a national tragedy won greater attention on Twitter and YouTube and in the international press than in Turkey's own cowed media, suggesting this is another storm Erdogan will comfortably ride out. Even Kurucan seemed somewhat uneasy with the attention. "There was just one slap. I believe Mr Prime Minister did not do it consciously but involuntarily," he emphasised. (Additional reporting by Daren Butler and Hamdi Istanbullu; Writing by Nick Tattersall; Editing by Anna Willard and Cynthia Osterman) be457b7860

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