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Wolof sabar drummers play two different styles of music. One style consists of dance rhythms. The other, called bak, consists of elaborate rhythmic compositions. Drummers typically play baks before the dancing begins.

Wolof rhythms have heavily influenced another style of Senegalese drumming, called Tabala Wolof. Tabala Wolof is the ritual drum music of a Senegalese Sufi order called the Qadiriya. Qadiriya drummers play during nighttime worship to inspire ecstatic singing. Unlike sabar drumming, the lead drum is a massive wooden kettle drum. A drummer plays it with two long sticks, which are half as long and almost as thick as broom handles.

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The Serer people, who live primarily south of Dakar, also play sabar drums. However, they use the drums to create their own music, with its own distinct flavor. Their music relies less on flams and more on fast, interlocking triplet rhythms. To some extent, Serer drum music resembles the drum music of the Mandinka and Jola, who live even further to the south. However, the Mandinka and Jola each play their own style of drums and have their own distinct style of drum music.

Within a sabar dance event, the dance rhythms are always played in more or less the same order, although some rhythms may be revisited if the drummers notice that certain rhythms are preferred by the participants. There are also optional musical elements that may be included at certain points as well as new variations of older rhythms or new musical creations that may be introduced if the drummers find them fitting for the particular event. Similarly to the music, the dance solos of participants largely follow habitual structures and make use of traditional movement materials that can be varied and combined in different ways, but also new elements (typically deriving from dances seen on pop music videos) may be incorporated.

(1) The (re)construction of tradition: Each sabar dance event follows a certain overall structure, where traditional dance rhythms are played in more or less the same order. Similarly to the rhythms, all dance solos make use of traditional movement materials that can be varied and combined in different ways, but also the solos largely follow habitual structures.

(2) Performances of self, or cultural performatives in the Butlerian sense: Most of the dancers are not consciously performing anything to anyone, but rather simply enjoying themselves through social dancing in the company of their friends and relatives. Because the sabar is a solo dance, dancing also gives them an opportunity to present themselves in front of other participants at a dance event.

(3) Expression of alternative selves and realities: Although sabar dancers primarily present themselves while dancing, a sabar dance event is still something clearly separate from everyday life and the ways of expressing oneself and communicating with others within these events deviate clearly from the rules of everyday life interactions. The frame of the dance event thus offers at least a possibility to express oneself in ways that would not be deemed appropriate in everyday contexts, even to construct alternative selves and realities.

Here, I want to explore and demonstrate through video examples, how these modes of performing appear in sabar dance events, sometimes simultaneously, although the three modes may seem partly contradictory.

For most of the participants, sabar dance events are first and foremost social spaces: they attend a dance event because they enjoy dancing or because they have been invited by a friend or a relative to a celebration that happens to include dancing. Unlike the drummers who have been engaged by the organizer to play for the dance event, most dancers at a sabar event do not see themselves as performers but simply as guests or participants, and therefore their dance solos can be considered cultural performatives in the Butlerian sense (e.g. Butler 1999).

According to definitions by performance theorists like Bauman (1975: 292) and Schechner (2006: 93), a sabar dance event is certainly a performance, because it is a specific, named situation that is framed as separate from everyday life with particular musical signals and with specific modes of communication, but most of the participants at sabar events would probably not call sabar events or their own dancing performances in the same sense as a theatre play or any other stage performance. Instead, they would be likely to describe themselves simply as participants in a socially significant situation where dancing serves as the primary medium of communication. In addition to the choreomusical interactions between dancers and drummers, dance movements and gestures can be directed at other participants of the sabar event or they may refer to and comment on previous dance solos.

The sabar is a dance form of the Wolof people living mainly in parts of Senegal and the Gambia. The dancing is accompanied by drumming which is referred to with the same name. The most common situations where sabar dancing takes place are social dance events that may be organized to celebrate almost any kind of occasion, from marriages to political gatherings. The majority of participants in most of these social dance events are women and for the most part relatively young, although this depends on the situation, but older women dance primarily at family celebrations, and grown-up men very rarely dance anywhere unless they are professional performers. Especially at smaller events, the only men present are usually the group of drummers who have been hired to accompany the dancing.

As mentioned in relation to the performances of self through dance, the frame of performance of a sabar dance event also allows the expression of sentiments that one would not show openly in everyday life. Similarly, the ways of expressing oneself through dance commonly takes forms that would not be considered appropriate for women in other contexts. Already the act of dancing in front of others, putting oneself in the center of attention is against the local ideals of femininity and respectable behavior (Heath 1994, Neveu Kringelbach 2013: 90, Seye 2014: 49, 108).

In my research, dancing has served as a fieldwork method for gaining insight into the practices of sabar dance events and their cultural meanings. My fieldwork methodology is thereby similar to many projects characterized as artistic research or practice-based research (see Arlander 2013, Hannula et al. 2005), although I situate my research within the academic traditions of dance anthropology and ethnomusicology. In these fields of research, participatory fieldwork methods including the acquisition of performance skills have long been very common, even normative, rather than exceptional (see Baily 2008, Wong 2008, Ness 2004).

Learning to dance the sabar (and also to play the sabar drums) and participating through dance in sabar events could thus be characterized as ethnographic performances that have been central in the construction of my fieldwork and even of myself as a researcher, but they certainly carry further layers of meanings, most of which I am not discussing here. In contrast to many projects situated in the field of artistic research, my involvement in dance practice has not been motivated by artistic goals, such as the development of new choreographies or new working methods to be applied in artistic work, but rather by a search for ethnographic knowledge about sabar dance events, a desire to understand them holistically within their cultural environment.

Familiarizing myself with the sabar tradition through the practical training of movements and rhythms as well as the experiences of dancing at sabar events has served the aim of understanding both the structures and the meanings of sabar dancing, as well as the social interactions of sabar dance events. Apart from learning dance movements and the ways they relate to the rhythms, which obviously helps in making sense of the structures of sabar performances and thereby in the analysis of fieldwork materials, dancing has been an important means of building social contacts in the field, but it has sometimes also served as a tool for analytical experimentation.

Conversely, when I was sometimes approached by people who had seen me dance, they would often ask me about my teachers and why I was in Senegal (instead of assuming that I was a tourist), and after hearing my response some offered me their views on certain topics relating to my research or pointed me to people they considered knowledgeable and suggested I should interview them. In these and some other situations, I got the impression that having learned enough to adequately participate in dancing at a sabar event convinced my interlocutors that I was seriously interested in their culture and traditions, and therefore they were willing to share their knowledge about it with me.

Furthermore, knowing the dances and the dance rhythms often facilitated communication with dancers and drummers during my fieldwork: it was sometimes easier to show a few movements or sing a rhythm than to explain them verbally. At sabar dance events, I also occasionally used the possibility to try out different combinations of movements in order to see what kinds of movements and combinations would work with different rhythms and how the drummers would respond to them. Although I did not analyze these practical experiments in any detail, they helped me to accumulate my understanding of the basic elements and habitual structures of sabar dance solos.

During the dance and drumming lessons I took with local professionals, I also learned the vocabulary needed to communicate verbally about dance and music with Wolof dancers and musicians. The learning of practical skills was thus accompanied by further cultural knowledge that might have been possible but more difficult to acquire through other research methods. In this respect, again, my practical engagement in sabar dancing and drumming pawed the way to additional sources of knowledge. be457b7860