Joseph Attila, Jean-Louis Combes, Rasmané Ouédraogo
The Quarterly Review of Economics and Finance, vol 100, Open Access
This paper investigates the effects of natural disasters on bank liquidity creation in sub-Saharan African during the period 1988–2018. Using bank-level data from more than 30 countries, we find that natural disasters affect negatively the liquidity creation in the region. The cumulative effect over the three years following a disaster is economically significant, amounting to a total reduction of 4 % in the average liquidity generated. This impact is mainly channeled through the asset-side activities of banks. We also find heterogeneous impact of natural disasters on bank liquidity creation based on the size of banks, the magnitude of disasters and the income level of countries. Moreover, these effects are mainly observed when disasters strike on a large-scale. On the contrary, there is no significant difference depending on whether or not the disaster is climatic in origin. Additional tests show that foreign ownership of banks as well as monetary policy change do not qualitatively alter our primary findings. These results support bank regulation policies taking into the specificities of banks operating in environments prone to frequent natural disasters. Specifically, we recommend that central banks implement targeted regulatory measures such as stress-testing or resilience programs. As natural disasters are likely to increase in the coming years due to climate change, we suggest that microprudential policies be further strengthened and adapted to incorporate climate change considerations.Sophie Massin, Nicolas Bédu, Maxence Miéra, Mohamed Ane, Joseph Attila, Christian Ben Lakhdar,Thibaud Deguilhem, Pauline Lectard et Patricia Vornetti
Revue Economique, 2024/6 (n°75) pp. 1275-1289
La crise du Covid-19 a créé un choc qui a temporairement modifié l’intensité de l’intervention de l’État dans l’économie. Notre objectif est d’étudier si ce phénomène a eu un impact sur les opinions à l’égard de l’interventionnisme public. Nous utilisons des données d’enquête collectées auprès d’étudiants d’universités françaises à trois dates : en 2019 (avant la crise), 2020 (au début de la crise) et 2022 (à la fin de la crise). Nous trouvons que la crise du Covid a conduit les étudiants à être plus favorables aux politiques de relance et moins favorables à la réduction des dépenses publiques. La crise du Covid n’a cependant pas modifié leurs opinions concernant la légitimité de la redistribution des revenus et l’efficacité des entreprises publiques. Les effets trouvés sont d’intensité modeste et sont susceptibles d’être transitoires.Finance Research Letters, 2022, vol. 49, p. 103126.
This study examines empirically the relationship between the volatility of bank deposits and political instability using panel data covering more than 80 developing countries over the period 1970 to 2020. We use fixed-effects models that account for the serial correlation and spatial dependence, GMM regressions and staggered DiD to deal with the endogeneity and causality issues. Though tentative, our regressions reveal that political instability could increase the volatility of bank deposits. Our finding also confirms the importance of interest rate, suggesting a potential interaction with political instability and political violence.Oil, Gas and Energy Quarterly, vol; 61, n°3, 2013, pp.541-562.
The aim of this paper is to test whether the relationship between globalization on corruption is non linear as suggested by the literature. A multidimensional approach has been undertaken, takinginto consideration the economic, political and social dimensions of globalization. The studyhas been conducted on a sample including 122 countries over the period 1990- 2006 divided into different sub-periods. The findings confirm the hypothesis of the non-linearity. These results are consistent with the literature which has found that not all developing countries could gain from globalization, unless they participate more intensively in the globalization process so as to go beyond a critical threshold. Furthermore, the investigations suggest that the increasing-effect of overall globalization on corruption might be due to the economic and social global integration. Thus, countries need to achieve a minimum level of economic and social integration before taking advantage of the reducing-effect of globalization. In contrast, political globalization plays an important role in curtailing corruption. Among developing countries, most of Sub-Saharan African countries seem to suffer more seriously from globalization.Recherches Economiques de Louvain, vol 752 n°2,2009, pp. 229-268, avec G. Chambas et J-L Combes
L’objet de cet article est d’analyser l’effet de la corruption sur la mobilisation des recettes publiques. Une analyse économétrique sur données de panel (125 pays et couvrant la période 1980-2002) permet de ne pas rejeter l’hypothèse d’un effet négatif de la corruption sur les recettes publiques. Cet effet négatif de la corruption n’affecte pas de manière identique les différentes composantes des recettes. En raison probablement des opportunités différentes de rente, la corruption modifie la structure du prélèvement public au profit des recettes tarifaires assises sur le commerce international et au détriment des impôts directs et indirects, dont en particulier la TVA. Il apparaît également qu’un canal de transmission important de la corruption sur le prélèvement public est celui transitant par un affaiblissement du civisme fiscal capté à travers des variables de l’action publique.Economics Bulletin, Vol. 29 n°3, 2009, pp. 1927-1933.
This study examines African populations` attitudes toward anticorruption policies. Previous studies only look at individuals` experiences or attitudes with respect to corruption itself or its prevalence. Relying on micro data from six Sub-Saharan African countries and using ordered probit models, we show that social factors (education, employment, living conditions, etc.) significantly affect the citizens` attitudes toward anti-corruption strategies. We also highlight the importance of political characteristics such as access to information (press, media, radio); trust in the court of appeal; participations in demonstrations.