"After my husband died, my feeling died too, because I knew I didn't have the right to fall in love. If I wanted to get married, I would just have to marry someone who would accept my condition that I usually marry a man who is 20 or 30 years older than me." (21- year-old housewife)
"After the death of my husband, his family forced me to marry my brother-in-law. He was a few years younger than me, and we did not like each other at all, but they forced two of us to accept this marriage, we couldn't put up with each other, and he left me a few months later." (33- year-old housewife)
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"After my husband's death, I had so many problems and was mentally and socially in distress that I committed self-immolation, but unfortunately, I didn't have the chance and didn't die." (28- year-old housewife)
"Ever since my husband left [this world], his family has interfered in my life, and my children live more than ever before, and sometimes I have to have their agreement to make important decisions or otherwise they won't let me do it." (45- year-old housewife)
"My husband was a builder. When he died we had no income except the money we received from the Subsidy (a financial help by the government) and the Relief Foundation, I didn't know what to do, so my sons were forced to leave school and go to work as a laborer" (50- year-old housewife)
"Many families do not want us to be in touch with their wives or sisters. Many times they do not allow them to come to our home. One of my old friends who was in touch with me all the time cut contact with me after my husband died. Then I realized that her husband had not let her come to me. "(45- year-old housewife)
"Before my husband died, I used to go out rarely, and he did all the works of outside, but since he was gone, I've been doing it myself. I go out more and deal with many people. I've been setting up a community for a while. "(35- year-old housewife)
The powerful women surrounding emperor Nero fared even worse. Agrippina, his mother and staunch advocate, had cannily maneuvered her way to power, mostly through marriage (and possibly murder), also receiving the revered title of Augusta. But after working to set young Nero up as emperor (and acting as his regent), she shouldered the blame for the murders of his rival stepbrother, Britannicus, and his stepfather, the emperor Claudius, her third husband. Nero himself conspired to kill her, as he did his own wife, Poppaea, who also had exerted a powerful influence over him.
Although polygyny as currently practised often perpetuates and reinforces patriarchy within the family, its anthropological and religious origins in some contexts reveal that it was designed to serve a protective or remedial function for women and families. Within impoverished societies, for example, polygyny was, and is still by some, thought to serve a protective function for poor women. A Visiting Mission to British Trust Territories in West Africa in 1950 identified polygyny as a form of social security for women within their economic conditions at that time.[32] Similarly, within Talmudic law, a man was believed to have a protective responsibility to his deceased brother's wife. Modern commentators have noted, however, that the practice of yibum (levirate marriage of a widow to her deceased husband's brother) was the product of a patriarchal, polygynous society in which male dynasty continuity was central.[33] Today, yibum is prohibited according to the Chief Rabbinate of the Herem DeYerushalayim.[34]
Polygyny tends to reinforce such gender stereotypes by giving husbands the power to interrupt marital unions where they feel that one wife is not adequately fulfilling their reproductive and general-care needs.
This type of marital interruption is striking in all polygynous contexts, but perhaps most striking in those where subsequent wives reside with their husband and his present wife. Requiring a first wife to accept subsequent wives into her household may be one of the most explicit and deleterious interruptions of one's marital relationship that exists. As the Allahabad High Court of India noted in Itwari v. Asghari,[49] the taking of a second wife into the first wife's original shared domicile often constitutes a:
The interruption of an exclusive emotional and material relationship is often exacerbated by competitive co-wife relationships. A review of anthropological literature suggests that jealousy, tension, strain, and competitiveness are common among plural wives.[53] While there are many examples of cooperative co-wife relationships, the majority of accounts emphasize negative feelings between wives in polygynous families.[54] Cooperative polygynous relationships are evident, however, among the Masai of Africa where co-wives sometimes have close and supportive relationships.[55] Likewise, the senior wife within polygynous unions among the Mende of Africa may nurture a junior wife in an almost maternal fashion. Polygynous unions within other cultural contexts may also be typified by both collaboration and competition. Among the !Kung of Africa, for example, co-wives may cook together or take turns cooking, share fire and shelter, and even nurse one another's infants. Conflict can nevertheless arise in other aspects of day-to-day life including access to their husbands and resource distribution.[56]
Thus, while co-wife cooperation exists within some cultural contexts, the unequal distribution of polygynous husbands' emotional and material attention amongst their wives tends to be a significant cause of fractious co-wife relationships. Even where there is an expectation of equal treatment amongst wives, de facto inequalities can nevertheless undermine co-wives' emotional health. For the Bedouin of Israel, for example, there is a social expectation that husbands will provide equal time, material resources, and sexual attention to each of his wives. In practice, however, husbands sometimes favour one wife over the other, particularly a newer wife in the early stages of marriage.[59] Similarly, a survey of Yoruba wives of South-western Nigeria and Benin found that husbands' favouritism of certain wives was a significant source of dissatisfaction among polygynous wives.[60] Significantly, the mistreatment as perceived by wives within developing world contexts often centres on economic and material issues, in addition to the treatment of children. Within Mormon Fundamentalist polygynous settings, on the other hand, perceptions of unfair treatment are often connected to both practical and social-emotional factors.[61]
Of particular significance in these findings of low self-esteem and loneliness were the reasons reported by polygynous women for why their husband took a second wife. The four common reasons for Bedouin-Arab remarriage used in the study included:
This specific concern about polygyny and the transmission of HIV/AIDS has been at the forefront of legislative debates in Uganda where there is an assumption that all marriages entered into by Muslims are governed by Shari'a law and can therefore be polygynous. Within this system, wives have no legal status to prevent their husbands from taking a second wife.[76] This is particularly alarming given the high rate of HIV-AIDS infection in Uganda, Kenya, and other African nations.[77]
Within Africa, the most common form of HIV-transmission is through heterosexual sex.[78] Thus, where husbands have multiple sex partners, including wives, they increase their own risk of infection as well as their wives.' The risk of transmission in polygyny is compounded by the fact that neither a husband nor his present wife can verify a prospective wife's HIV-status or guarantee her fidelity during marriage, particularly when the husband is away visiting other wives.[79] For although extra-marital sex is socially frowned upon within most African societies, many polygynous wives partake in it to make up for a lack of attention from their husband.[80]
Amid this strained economic environment, certain wives may be especially vulnerable depending on the cultural or social context. Within the Bedouin-Arab culture, for example, as in other Arab cultures, second and subsequent wives are often favoured economically and given greater attention and support. This may be explained in part by the fact that first marriages are often arranged or consanguineous (of the same blood or related by birth) or are exchanges (where two men marry each other's sisters)[106] Subsequent marriages, on the other hand, may be based on greater love because of the husband's financial independence and his ability to choose his own wife.[107] In contrast, among Fundamentalist Mormon and some Islamic contexts, senior wives may have a greater role in controlling and distributing family resources. Particularly where subsequent wives are very young, older senior wives often retain primary control over a polygynous family's resources. Thus, while first wives may be relegated to a background position in some instances, in other cases older wives may use their seniority to control subsequent wives.[108] Particularly where an older wife has property and is a relative of her husband, her status within their extended family may ensure continued security and respect.[109]
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MLR, 100.3, 2005 749 Women and Laughter in Medieval Comic Literature. By Lisa Perfetti. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. 2003. xiv + 286pp. ?36. ISBN 0-472-11321-6. Drawing on a variety oftheoretical approaches, this book examines how female laugh? ter functions when embedded in the male narratorial discourse of medieval texts. These texts are themselves highly varied, being written in English, Italian, Scottish, German, French, and Arabie, and dating from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century. Noting in her introduction how woman's laughter is always linked in medieval culture with her troubling sexuality, Lisa Perfetti argues that such laughter can none the less be seen to question the limitations placed on women by the misogynist discourse of the period. Chapter 1 discusses how the Wife of Bath's play fui mimicry of misogynist ideas about women's talkativeness and lasciviousness allows her to challenge the contra? dictions inherent in such notions and to involve both male and female audiences in playing the game of antifeminism. The following chapter examines how, through their choice of tales, the female members ofthe brigata in Boccaccio's Decameron en? gage in good-natured sexual banter with their male counterparts in such a way as to defy the traditional link between women's silence and their presumed sexual modesty. Chapter 3 is devoted to the lesser-known William Dunbar's sixteenth-century Tretis of the Tua Mariit Wemen and the Wedo, in which a male narrator eavesdrops on the bawdy conversation of three women who are discussing their husbands' sexual inadequacies . Although a work of satire, one might almost say of 'anti-conduct' literature, in Perfetti's view the text provides a kind of therapeutic space forwomen to air their frustrations at the woes of marriage. The subject of Chapter 4, Frauendienstby Ulrich von Lichtenstein (c. 1255), makes a fascinating contribution to the lyric tradition of courtly ladies who refuse to listen to their would-be lovers' pleas. As Perfetti argues, the lady's mocking laughter at a man bent on performing the role of feminized male lover, even to the extent of cross-dressing as a woman, subverts the conventions of a genre that normally reduces the female's role to silent acquiescence. In Chapter 5 she discusses the comic battle for dominance between husbands and wives as staged in two late medieval French farces (Le Chaudronnier and Porte Bodes), and shows how the women's verbal dexterity both counters the misogynist view of the idle loquaciousness of the female sex and questions the authority of unruly and drunken husbands. Finally, Chapter 6 looks at how the female narrator, Shahrazad, of the Thousand and One Nights deploys both her sexual allure and her plain-speaking wit in order to challenge her male audience's limited knowledge of women when based on misogynist cliche and to debunk the Islamic lyric tradition of discussing female anatomy only in terms of shameful euphemisms. In her eclectic choice of texts and carefully contextualized readings, which are informed by judicious amounts of modern theory, Perfetti's study makes a powerful case for the important place of women's laughter in dealing with the issues raised by the gender system in medieval culture. University of Leeds Rosalind Brown-Grant Culture and Change: Attending toEarly Modern Women. Ed. by Margaret Mikesell and Adele Seeff. Newark: University of Delaware Press; London: Associated University Presses. 2003. 400 pp. $48.50. ISBN 0-87413-825-6. This is the fourthvolume in a series based on a series of symposia, beginning in 1990, at the Center for Renaissance and Baroque Studies at the University of Mary land. The contributions cover a rich variety of place, period, topic, and culture, and bear witness to an outstandingly diverse range of participants, from plenary speakers of ... be457b7860
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