The negative impact of dynasties on the economy and wealth of province can be explained by the "Carnegie Effect" named after the industrialist Andrew Carnegie who donated all his wealth for philanthropy to non-family members, because he believed the dynasts have less incentive of working hard if they are assured of inherited power, connections and wealth.[14] Political dynasties prefer status quo and develop self-serving interests largely different from the interests of voters they ought to be serving. Dynastic candidates, being almost exclusively from the upper classes, are naturally biased towards defending their own vested interests.
Rise of political dynasties caused by the creation of family-controlled self-serving despotic non-democratic parties in democracy which breed nepotistic parasitic patron-psychophants hegemony. Dynasties sustain and perpetuate their power by the collaboration of competing dynasties aimed at maintaining their mutual hegemony and preventing the rise of others as new political challengers. The collaborating dynasties do so by building strong friendly and family ties outside the politics (usually inter-marrying across rival parties) to sustain each other, while keeping the facade of being the political adversaries.[18]
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Parties go in decline with the death of the chief patron, internal squabbling for power among the members of controlling-family, rise of new non-dynastic charismatic leaders, anti-dynasty disgust among the voters with the increased literacy rate in the country, rising aspirations of the politically aware non-dynastic masses and civil society. Dynasties can be reduced and eliminated by implementing the anti-dynasty laws, stringent conflict of interest laws, stringent laws for the transparency in governance and party operations, mandatory intra-party democracy law as a precondition for maintaining the ongoing registration of the party, laws limiting the number of terms for the elected representatives and party officials, laws limiting the number of simultaneous candidates from the same families, laws to enforce a cooling period between the generations of dynasties for the entry into politics, developing grassroot leadership, institutionalised mechanism for the progression of grassroot leaders into state and national politics e.g. mandatory for MLA and MP to have served at panchayat or municipal level, strengthening the institutionalised role of the civil society in the enforcing the accountability and transparency in governance.[18]
This clan is originally from Rajasthan and not from Haryana.[31] In the 19th century, Devi Lal's grandfather Teja Ram Sihag (belonging to the 'Sihag' clan of Jats, but that surname is generally not used) came from Bikaner in Rajasthan and settled in Teja Khera village of Sirsa district.[31] Teja Ram had three sons: Deva Ram, Asha Ram and Hukam Ram. Asharam had two sons, Lekhram and Tara Chand.[31] Lekhram had two sons, Sahib Ram and Devi Lal.[31] Due to Devi Lal, the obscure farming family became a political dynasty.
Sahib Ram was the first politician from the family to be elected as MLA in 1938, under British rule. Fourteen years later, in 1952, Devi Lal followed in his footsteps, by becoming MLA.[31] Devi Lal had four sons, namely Partap Singh, Om Prakash Chautala, Ranjit Singh and Jagdish Chander.[32] Partap Singh was MLA in the 1960s,[32] Ranjit Singh was a Congress MP,[33] Om Prakash Chautala became Chief Minister,[33][32] and Jagdish died young, before he could join politics.[33][32]
Om Prakash Chautala has two sons, Ajay Singh Chautala and Abhay Singh Chautala. Both have been MLA and MP.[34][33] Devi Lal's numerous grandsons, greatgrandsons and other family members are also in politics, such as Aditya Devilal, Dushyant Chautala and his brother Digvijay Chautala as well as their cousin Arjun Chautala. This clan, once dominant at the state level and now in decline due to divisions and internal family squabbling in the large clan, is struggling to revive their statewide hold while still retaining some pockets of influence in Hisar and Sirsa area.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of increased farm income and income distribution on expenditure pattern of cultivators in Haryana and also to estimate the effect of price and family size on the expenditure pattern of the cultivators, for the period of 1968 to 1992. The major source of data for the study has been the ''Family budgets of cultivators in Haryana'' published annually by Economic and Statistical Organization, Planning Dept., Government of Haryana. In order to estimate the relationships Almost Ideal Demand System proposed by Deaton and Mullebauer (1980) has been used. It has been shown that the fragmentation of families leads to wastage of resources.
Late year of marriage (>2 years) and low socioeconomic class were found to be significant risk factors for nonreciprocate violence. Our results are consistent with Kamat et al. and Saffari et al., respectively.[14,20] For reciprocate violence, nuclear family was the risk factor. The likely cause of this is that in India, joint family acts as a buffer in situations of social stress such as unemployment, etc. The present study shows that chances of suffering from severe injuries are significantly more in reciprocate violence than nonreciprocate violence. Our results are consistent with Whitaker et al. and Norris et al.[7,13] This can be explained by the fact that in reciprocate violence, the heat of aggression and arguments are greater because both partners are actively involved and the conflict escalates even further.
The Chautala family tree | Graphics by Soham Sen / ThePrintDevi Lal, said professor Anand Kumar, a fellow with Jawaharlal Nehru Museum and Library, funded farmer leaders all the way up to Uttar Pradesh and Bihar and created a galaxy of leaders.
The Bishnoi family tree | Graphics by Soham Sen / ThePrintIn 2009, Bhajan Lal won the Lok Sabha election from his native Hisar before passing away in 2011. The bypoll for the constituency was won by his son Bishnoi.
Prevalence and heritability of dental caries and malocclusion in Haryana: A family-based study
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 Sahrish Tariq, Pooja Thakur, Nidhi Gupta, Preety Gupta, Aditi Sharma
 Department of Public Health Dentistry, Swami Devi Dyal Hospital and Dental College, Panchkula, Haryana, India
 Date of Submission27-Jun-2022Date of Decision05-Sep-2022Date of Acceptance23-Dec-2022Date of Web Publication31-Mar-2023
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Since 1992, the InternationalInstitute for Population Sciences, Mumbai, has conducted the National familyHealth Survey (NFHS) for the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Governmentof India. The NFHS report for 2019-21 is the fifth in this series. It providesinformation on population, health and nutrition in 28 states, eight unionterritories and 707 districts of India.
For every daughter that was born, a family that enrolled in the programme would receive approximately $400, on the condition that they remained unmarried until the age of 18. The impact, they hoped, would be three-fold: increased value of girls, improved educational attainment, and delayed marriage.
As part of the exercise, each and every family in the state is identified and their data is collected with their consent and stored in a digital format. A family ID card contains phone numbers, email ids as well as details of Aadhar card, voter identity card, bank accounts and PAN card of the members of a family. Families owning a PPP are provided an eight-digit family identity number. The family ID is linked to the birth, death and marriage records of the concerned family to ensure automatic update as and when the events happen. 006ab0faaa
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