In spite of the fact that crime is an emotive topic, the question of emotion has been largely overlooked in criminological research, which has tended instead to examine criminal conduct in terms of structural background variables or rational decision-making. Building on research into emotions within sociology, this book seeks to show how criminologists can in fact take emotions seriously and why criminology needs to begin considering emotions as a central element of its theoretical, conceptual and methodological apparatus. Thematically organised and presenting both empirical and theoretical studies, Emotions and Crime pays attention to the different emotional dimensions of crime, victimhood, the criminal justice system, the practice of criminological research and the discipline of criminology. Bringing together the work of an international team of authors and discussing research into violence, punishment, gender, imprisonment and mass atrocity, this volume shows how crime and emotions are inextricably connected, and illustrates both the hidden and pervasive role of emotions in criminological work.
No one can imagine the range of emotions crime victims experience, except other victims and those who assist them. There is no way to prepare for the feelings of helplessness and frustration crime victims endure.
2 Moods Of Crime
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The intent of the program is to reduce the trauma and insensitivity that victims and witnesses sometimes suffer following a crime. Advocates guide victims through the legal system and direct them to agencies and organizations that offer assistance and emergency services.
CalVCB provides compensation for victims of violent crime who are injured or threatened with injury. Among the crimes covered are domestic violence, child abuse, sexual and physical assault, homicide, robbery, drunk driving, and vehicular manslaughter. If a person is eligible, VCP will compensate for many services when other sources do not cover costs. Eligible services include medical and dental care, mental health services, income loss, funeral expenses, rehabilitation, and relocation. Funding of VCP comes from restitution fines and orders, penalty assessments levied on persons convicted of crimes and traffic offenses, and federal matching funds.
Memories of illegal acts: During their time in prison, the offenders tend to relive the moments of their crime. This can make them feel guilty and remorseful. Constantly having these thoughts may result in severe depression.
Low mood and depression are interrelated. A low mood is characterized by sad feelings that often come and go; however, the presence of low mood that does not go away even after two weeks is a symptom of being at risk for depression. Prisoners may be affected by various kinds of low moods.
Eyewitness testimony is a legal term that refers to an account of a crime given by an individual who has seen or been involved in that event. It often includes not only bystanders but also victims. Eyewitness testimony can have different forms, from a description of an event or a perpetrator, to the identification of suspects or important objects such as weapons or vehicles. For many decades, research on eyewitness testimony has focused on the identification of individual, situational, environmental, and system variables that impact the quality and quantity of testimony. Consequently, we acknowledge now that eyewitness evidence may not be as reliable as we used to think.
Besides negative emotions, a term frequently used in eyewitness testimony research to describe an affective state is arousal. Arousal, along with valence, is considered a core dimension of emotional experience. The ability to evoke arousal distinguishes between emotions and other affective states, e.g. moods and attitudes, and fuels further action (Frijda, 2004). It is a psychophysiological reaction to a stimulus, representing the activation of the autonomic nervous system (ANS). Thus, a study involving arousal may examine an objectively measurable state, not only an individual's subjective assessment. It is even more important, as some studies show, that self-reporting of arousal may differ from an objective measurement of ANS activation (e.g. Chivers, Seto, Lalumiere, Laan & Grimbos 2010; Salimpoor, Benovoy, Longo, Cooperstock & Zatorre, 2009).
In eyewitness testimony, research into arousal is often (although not exclusively) associated with the weapon focus effect. Thus, even though arousal is a neutral state, it is in eyewitness testimony research sometimes defined as negative (e.g. MacLin, MacLin & Malpass, 2001, Luna & Martin-Luengo, 2018) or as having implicit negative valence as it is evoked by unpleasant (crime-related) stimuli (e.g. Hmmerer et al, 2017).
To sum up the deliberations on defining emotions, it is important to highlight the misuse of terms and concepts of emotions, with little regard to theory and achievements of research on emotions. Thus, it is postulated that a study should define the spectrum of affective experience precisely and in accordance with the chosen theoretical approach. It must go hand in hand with awareness of the consequences of that choice, imposed by the research subject and methodology. Moreover, although both approaches to study emotions have their justification in the theory of emotions, it seems that in the case of eyewitness testimony research, the most appropriate would be to combine both. On the one hand, it would allow us to indicate what feelings accompany witnesses depending on the type of crime observed (discrete approach). On the other, dimensional approach may help to determine the characteristics of the emotional stimulus which seems to be particularly threatening the reliability of the testimony.
Another area of doubt concerning research on eyewitness testimony is related to experimental manipulation, particularly the methods of inducing affective states. In experiments conducted in psychological labs, short films or movie clips presenting a simulated crime are the most frequently employed emotive stimuli. In fewer instances, a crime is staged, making the subjects real eyewitnesses to a false event. Researchers also use slide presentations with short narratives or photographs. Other methods of inducing emotion include exposure to aversive stimuli, such as threat of an injection or mild electric shocks (see Deffenbacher et al., 2004).
In research on chronic mood and its impact on eyewitness testimony, a different approach is often employed. Moods may be induced by techniques such as hypnotic suggestion, instruction to recall past events, reading statements related to certain moods (e.g. the Velten Mood Induction Procedure) or listening to music. In other cases, a different methodological approach with quasi-experimental research and subjects recruited on the basis of their dispositional mood or mood disorders (e.g. depression) is adopted.
While focusing on emotions, the fundamental question when evaluating research design is whether such experimental manipulations are sufficient to evoke real emotions, similar to those experienced by eyewitnesses and consequently, the extent to which experimental studies can be generalised in the forensic context. As Yuille and Tollestrup (1992) argue, a typical laboratory eyewitness is a passive observer, not experiencing a sense of danger or involvement in the event. Their physical and psychological well-being is not under threat. Thus, the behaviour of witnesses in this setting is not representative of that of witnesses to actual crimes. With this in mind, one should consider what type of stimulus manipulation increases the chances of evoking real emotions, not just a declaration of emotions.
It seems that the most reliable way to simulate the experience of real eyewitnesses is to expose subjects to staged crime. Even though the crime is faked, an individual may for a moment experience real emotions, thus it meets the criteria of high ecological validity. The choice of such a method seems even more appropriate in the light of the evidence of differences in testimonies concerning live and recorded events (Ihlebk, Lve, Erik Eilertsen & Magnussen, 2003). This kind of experimental manipulation is particularly useful in group conditions, where all participants watch the same event. Considering the high demands on the sample numbers, it may be harder to reproduce an identical event for a single participant. When deciding on this type of experimental manipulation, it is crucial to consider all ethical concerns as well.
To sum up the subsection on inducing emotion in a laboratory setting, it is crucial to underline the need to simulate experiences resembling (at least to some extent) those of witnesses to the crime. This can be achieved when experimental manipulation meets several criteria: (1) the stimulus is subjectively meaningful for the subjects; (2) psychological and physical (even imagined) distance between stimulus and observer is short; (3) regardless of the chosen way of presenting the crime event, subjects find it absorbing, (4) emotions and involvement are meticulously examined. This approach avoids the risk of drawing incorrect conclusions about the relationship between emotions and memory based on ineffective stimulus manipulation, or on one that induces states other than those intended.
Another concern about self-reports is related to their structure. The choice between the dimensional versus discrete approach should be reflected in a properly chosen method of assessment. When it comes to the discrete approach, some doubts may arise when the list of labels is short, forcing an individual to choose one of them, even when they are uncertain about their own emotions. For instance, Yuille and Cutshall (1986) asked eyewitnesses of real crime to assess their level of stress on a seven-point scale, and to indicate any negative effects engendered by the incident (nightmares, sleeplessness). While the question of negative consequences may be a useful counterbalance for self-reports, limiting the questionnaire to one scale may have resulted in discovering artifacts. When subjects have only one option, they feel obliged to report anything, even if they perceive the event differently than assumed by the researcher. 589ccfa754
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