"Some men look at Constitutions with sanctimonious reverence, & deem them, like the ark of the covenant, too sacred to be touched.
They ascribe to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what they did to be beyond amendment. I knew that age well: I belonged to it, and labored with it. it deserved well of it’s country. it was very like the present, but without the experience of the present: and 40. years of experience in government is worth a century of book-reading: and this they would say themselves, were they to rise from the dead. I am certainly not an advocate for frequent & untried changes in laws and constitutions. I think moderate imperfections had better be borne with; because when once known, we accommodate ourselves to them, and find practical means of correcting their ill effects. but I know also that laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. as that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times. we might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy, as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors. it is this preposterous idea which has lately deluged Europe in blood. their monarchs, instead of wisely yielding to the gradual changes of circumstances, of favoring progressive accommodation to progressive improvement, have clung to old abuses, intrenched themselves behind steady habits, and obliged their subjects to seek, thro’ blood & violence, rash & ruinous innovations, which, had they been referred to the peaceful deliberations, & collected wisdom of the nation, would have been put into acceptable and salutary forms. let us follow no such examples, nor weakly believe that one generation is not as capable as another of taking care of itself, and of ordering it’s own affairs. let us, as our sister-states have done, avail ourselves of our reason and experience to correct the crude essays of our first and unexperienced, altho’ wise, virtuous, & well meaning councils. And lastly, let us provide in our constitution for it’s revision at stated periods. what these periods should be Nature herself indicates. by the European tables of mortality, of the Adults living at any one moment of time, a majority will be dead in about 19. years. at the end of that period then a new majority is come into place; or in other words a new generation. each generation is as independent of the one preceding, as that was of all which had gone before. it has then, like them, a right to choose for itself the form of government it believes most promotive of it’s own happiness: consequently to accommodate to the circumstances in which it finds itself that received from it’s predecessors; and it is for the peace and good of mankind that a solemn opportunity of doing this every 19. or 20. years should be provided by the constitution; so that it may be handed on, with periodical repairs, from generation to generation to the end of time, if any thing human can so long endure. it is now 40. years since the constitution of Virginia was formed. the same tables inform us that, within that period, two thirds of the Adults then living are now dead. have then the remaining third, even if they had the wish, the right to hold in obedience to their will, and to laws heretofore made by them, the other two thirds who, with themselves compose the present mass of Adults? if they have not, who has? the dead? but the dead have no rights. they are nothing; and nothing cannot own something. where there is no substance, there can be no accident. this corporeal globe, and every thing upon it, belongs to it’s present corporeal inhabitants, during their generation. they alone have a right to direct what is the concern of themselves alone, and to declare the law of that direction: and this declaration can only be made by their majority. that majority then has a right to depute representatives to a Convention, and to make the Constitution what they think will be best for themselves. But how collect their voice? this is the real difficulty. if invited by private authority to County or district meetings, these divisions are so large that few will attend, and their voice will be imperfectly, or falsely pronounced. here then would be one of the advantages of the Ward-divisions I have proposed. the Mayor of every Ward, on a question like the present, would call his ward together, take the simple Yea or Nay of it’s members, convey these to the County court, who would hand on those of all it’s wards to the proper general authority, and the voice of the whole people would be thus fairly, fully, & peaceably expressed, discussed & decided by the common reason of the society.
If this avenue be shut to the call of sufferance it will make itself heard thro’ that of force, and we shall go on, as other nations are doing, in the endless circle of oppression, rebellion, reformation; & oppression, rebellion, reformation again, and so on forever.
These, Sir, are my opinions of the governments we see among men, & of the principles by which alone we may prevent our own from falling into the same dreadful track. I have given them at greater length than your letter called for. but I cannot say things by halves; and I confide them to your honor, so to use them as to preserve me from the gridiron of the public papers. if you should approve & enforce them, as you have done that of equal representation, they may do some good. if not, keep them to yourself as the effusions of withered age and useless time. I shall, with not the less truth, assure you of my great respect and consideration."
TH Jefferson