Using sources that include diaries, church minutes, legal papers, and the richly detailed accounts of the Regulators themselves, Marjoleine Kars delves deeply into the world and ideology of free rural colonists. She examines the rebellion's economic, religious, and political roots and explores its legacy in North Carolina and beyond. The compelling story of the Regulator Rebellion reveals just how sharply elite and popular notions of independence differed on the eve of the Revolution. About the Author Marjoleine Kars is associate professor of history at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County. 

For more information about Marjoleine Kars, visit the Author Page.

"This first complete narrative treatment of the Regulator rebellion . . . makes a significant contribution to our understanding of the Great Awakening and the nature of backcountry settlement in the Upper South."--Georgia Historical Quarterly


Rebellion In The North


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Several years later John Brown, a white abolitionist, raided the federal arsenal in Harpers Ferry, Virginia (now West Virginia). Brown wanted to procure weapons for a total revolt of all enslaved people to end slavery in the United States. In the attempt, Brown and his men were captured on October 16, 1859 by U.S. Marines under the command of Col. Robert E. Lee. The response of white North Carolinians to the raid never reached the same panic that followed the Nat Turner Rebellion. However, numerous white state newspapers clamored for a better patrol system of enslaved people. Black social outlets, including churches, were restricted as white North Carolinians perceived Brown's plan as part of a larger northern conspiracy to undermine southern society. Although his mission failed, Brown inspired a backlash among whites against all things "non-southern," which intensified the sectionalism in North Carolina leading to secession and the Civil War.

The actual catalyst for the rebellion was the imprisoning of Ned Stark for the crime of conspiring to hijack the Iron Throne. It was this event that lead to Robb calling his banners. Ned Stark was not only the Warden of the North, thus the overlord of all the Northern lands north of the Neck, he was very popular. His vassals adored him, even idolized him. Not only was he a Stark, he was also a fair, honorable, and just overlord who also had the reputation of being a war hero who avenged his father, helped destroy the Targaryen dynasty, and put the Baratheon dynasty in it's place. In many Northern lands he is known simply as "The Ned". Thus the North refused to believe that it's hero could conspire to steal the throne of his best friend. Thus the rebellion to free Ned Stark.

A generation earlier, the North supported Robert Baratheon's rebellion after the deaths of Brandon and Rickard. They decided to place a more acceptable ruler on the Iron Throne while leaving the general relationship between North and South unchanged.

After the death of Eddard, the North could have taken the same course again by replacing Joffrey with Stannis or Renly; but what would be the point? Once more, Northerners would fight and die to determine which southern lord sat on the Iron Throne. In the next generation, there might be another mad king, disputed succession or civil war, and the North would be drawn in yet again. (Important lords such as Umber and Karstark were old enough to remember Robert's rebellion, and this would certainly have influenced their thinking.)

But when Robb found out that the King had captured his father (the Warden of the North) and planned to execute him -- and later actually did -- he is furious and he gathers his banners together for the rebellion.

If the goal was Northern independence, they should have put a garrison at Moat Cailin and started building fleets to guard the coasts, then withdrawn back home. Those defenses would have been more than enough to hold the North against attempts to bring it back under the jurisdiction of King's Landing, especially with winter coming; and it would have allowed the northerners to get in a last harvest, and thus be better able to survive the coming winter.

Since the Roman occupation, England has mostly been dominated by a power-base ruling from the South of the country, principally centred on the great City of London. Yet the northern regions of England, remote and culturally disinct from the South, were, for much of recorded history, staunchly independent, wildly restless and prone to rebellion. Unhappy with regal rule from a distant southern capital, northerners did on more than a handful of occassions, rise up in a series of bloody attempts to challenge or replace their kings or queens in the South.

Under the leadership of Robert Aske, a mass popular revolt began in Yorkshire in October 1536, spreading to other parts of Northern England including Cumberland, Northumberland, and north Lancashire.

White settlers in Saskatchewan who had purchased land expecting that the Canadian Pacific Railwayline would run northwest from Winnipeg to Edmonton, learned suddenly in 1882 that the CPR would go farthersouth, through Regina and Calgary. Poor harvests in 1883 and 1884 added to their problems, along with an unsympatheticDominion government back East.

A large group of Mtis and First Nations met them on the Carlton Trail outside the village. Negotiations ended in confusion and the police and volunteers fired at their enemyhidden in a hollow north of the road, and in a cabin to the south. The battle ended shortly after, with the police and volunteers retreating to Fort Carlton. Nine volunteers and three police members were killed, with many more injured. Five Mtis andone First Nations warrior died. Riel persuaded the his men not to pursue the retreating force, and the Mtis returned to Batoche. The police evacuated Fort Carlton and retired to Prince Albert.

On May 11, Middleton left at 10 a.m. and rode north of the zareba to Jolie Prairie. The Mtis fired on him and his men from their rifle pits. Middleton ordered the Gatling gun to be fired to stop the Mtis from shooting. Before going back to the zareba, the soldiers burned down log houses that the Mtis could have used for shelter.

The renewed fighting first broke out when Tuareg rebels exchanged gunfire with Malian soldiers in the northern town of Menaka on January 17 this year, ending the fragile peace established between separatists and the government in 2009.

Mali experienced Tuareg uprisings in the 1960s and 1990s, then again in early 2000 and between 2006 and 2009. The nomadic group have been demanding recognition of their identity and an independent state in the northern triangle of the bow-tie shaped nation.

In the latest rebellion, insurgents have organised themselves under the banner of the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), a movement founded at the end of 2011 by a fusion of rebel groups. It has been spurred by the return of thousands of well-armed and experienced Tuareg from fighting for the late Muammar Gaddafi in Libya.

The MNLA hold over the northern regions is said to be precarious after reports emerged that their Islamist battlefield allies were trying to push them out to impose sharia law, an interest the MNLA does not share.

To attract colonists, the Lords Proprietor offered alluring incentives: religious tolerance, political representation by assembly, exemption from fees, and large land grants. These incentives worked, and Carolina grew quickly, attracting not only middling farmers and artisans but also wealthy planters. Colonists who could pay their own way to Carolina were granted 150 acres per family member. The Lords Proprietor allowed for enslaved people to be counted as members of the family. This encouraged the creation of large rice and indigo plantations along the coast of Carolina; these were more stable commodities than deerskins and enslaved Native Americans. Because of the size of Carolina, the authority of the Lords Proprietor was especially weak in the northern reaches on Albemarle Sound. This region had been settled by Virginians in the 1650s and was increasingly resistant to Carolina authority. As a result, the Lords Proprietor founded the separate province of North Carolina in 1691.19

The foundations of the war lay within the rivalry between the Pequot, the Narragansett, and the Mohegan, who battled for control of the fur and wampum trades in the northeast. This rivalry eventually forced the English and Dutch to choose sides. The war remained a conflict of Native interests and initiative, especially as the Mohegan hedged their bets on the English and reaped the rewards that came with displacing the Pequot.

Metacom and his followers eluded colonial forces in the summer of 1675, striking more Plymouth towns as they moved northwest. Some groups joined his forces, while others remained neutral or supported the English. The war badly divided some Indigenous communities. Metacom himself had little control over events as panic and violence spread throughout New England in the autumn of 1675. English mistrust of neutral Native Americans, sometimes accompanied by demands that they surrender their weapons, pushed many into open war. By the end of 1675, most of the Native Americans of present-day western and central Massachusetts had entered the war, laying waste to nearby English towns like Deerfield, Hadley, and Brookfield. Hapless colonial forces, spurning the military assistance of allies such as the Mohegans, proved unable to locate more mobile Native communities or intercept attacks.

Bacon refused. Berkeley granted Bacon's previous volunteer commission but Bacon refused it and demanded that he be made General of all forces against the Indians, which Berkeley emphatically refused and walked away. Tensions ran high as the screaming Bacon and his men surrounded the statehouse, threatening to shoot several onlooking Burgesses if Bacon was not given his commission. Finally after several agonizing moments, Berkeley gave in to Bacon's demands for campaigns against the Indians without government interference. With Berkeley's authority in shambles, Bacon's brief tenure as leader of the rebellion began. be457b7860

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