In her debut collection, Theresa Braun explores the inner workings of the human heart and what it is we most desire-forgiveness, acceptance, love, fame, or merely to escape who we really are. Whether we are battling ghosts, demons, mythical monsters, the past, or other dimensions, we are really facing the deepest parts of ourselves. These thirteen tales of horror and dark fantasy may appear to be a matter of good versus evil, but they are all a reflection of the hidden corners of the soul that are often shades of broken darkness. The characters in these stories must face their inner and outer terrors or else suffer the consequences.

The exciting story of Sam, a broken man who after the world ends from a massive Meteor shower and the death of his son, is forced to survive underground. He and his trusted friend Troy along with a young female Rose, are thrust on a journey that takes them into the darkest parts of the underground world where they find themselves on the run with a crew of rag tag yet heavily armed rangers. Hunted down by mutated creatures, bandits and cannibals alike, their undeniable defiance to return home is challenged, and an honest story emerges to reveal the heart of friendship in the face of death. Broken Darkness is a tale of selflessness, friendship and courage.


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There is a telling story about the expressway to Rome that every West African immigrant in Castelvolturno appeared to know. In biblical times, when Paul the Apostle came from the Holy Land to preach the gospel, the local Neapolitans captured him and he was beaten and dragged on horseback along the Via Domitiana to Rome, where he was finally executed. In the course of this ordeal St. Paul cursed the road to Rome, declaring that since his blood had been shed on the Via Domitiana, the road should continue to demand blood forever more. And so it does, in a literal as well as symbolic sense. Literally speaking, the road was often the scene of traffic accidents. People on their way to Rome, driving too fast or unable to see because of a lack of adequate streetlights, would hit a pedestrian crossing the street or, more often, a stray dog. (During my stay in Naples work began on installing speed bumps in the most populated areas of Castelvolturno.) Many times, waiting for the bus in the darkness before sunrise, we would see the corpse of a freshly killed dog being torn apart by speeding cars until it ended up in the ditch, and for weeks afterward the foul smell of its swollen carcass would remind everybody of the danger of getting knocked down on the accursed road. "The street is crying for blood tonight," Sammy would sometimes say when we crossed the expressway in the night and cars came uncomfortably close. "You know, in Senya," he once added jokingly, "it would be pacified. They would get a fowl and slaughter it and give the blood to the road." He was referring to the traditional Guan way of dealing with such a powerful interlocutor: presenting it with a symbolic gift in order to draw the object of fear and desire into a relationship of exchange, thus experientially creating obligations and expectations as opposed to a regime of arbitrariness (Lucht 2003: 43-64). In a broader existential understanding, the expressway continually demanded blood in the way that it every so often appeared to constitute a veritable negative zone. Accidents, violence, degradation, and prostitution at times seemed to conform to a one-way street of taking-yet, simultaneously, the dreaded road connected the West African community of Castelvolturno with the city of Naples and the possibilities of growth.

Across the whole farmland area, the vague roar of the expressway could always be heard. In the distance stood the hills of Mondragone, which appeared to change color every day. One day the hills would be light blue; another day, fog-bound and white; on a clear day they would shine brightly like an oil painting and allow one to study every detail. At such times, on the very tops of the hills it was possible to discern the ruins of a castle or a monastery. The stretch of road that connected the summerhouse area to the expressway was low and swampy, which accounted for the swarms of mosquitoes that would chase us off the porch when darkness fell. The municipality would dispatch small vans with insecticide pumps to take care of the problem, but the spraying seemed to have only minimal effect. The swampy area, and especially the small lakes strewn between the coastline and the expressway, was an attraction to local hunters, who would come by early in the morning, their shots ringing out and echoing against the mountains.

So rather than evaluating baguettes by their internal temperature, I decide to judge them by the darkness of their crust. The recipe calls for baking the loaves for 25 to 30 minutes; I take my first loaf out after 20 minutes, when it's a medium golden brown. Its interior temperature is a whopping 212F.

The concept of a "Dark Age" as a historiographical periodization originated in the 1330s with the Italian scholar Petrarch, who regarded the post-Roman centuries as "dark" compared to the "light" of classical antiquity.[1][2] The term employs traditional light-versus-darkness imagery to contrast the era's supposed darkness (ignorance and error) with earlier and later periods of light (knowledge and understanding).[1] The phrase Dark Age(s) itself derives from the Latin saeculum obscurum, originally applied by Caesar Baronius in 1602 when he referred to a tumultuous period in the 10th and 11th centuries.[3][4] The concept thus came to characterize the entire Middle Ages as a time of intellectual darkness in Europe between the fall of Rome and the Renaissance, and became especially popular during the 18th-century Age of Enlightenment.[1] Others, however, have used the term to denote the relative scarcity of records regarding at least the early part of the Middle Ages.

The idea of a Dark Age originated with the Tuscan scholar Petrarch in the 1330s.[15][18] Writing of the past, he said: "Amidst the errors there shone forth men of genius; no less keen were their eyes, although they were surrounded by darkness and dense gloom".[19] Christian writers, including Petrarch himself,[18] had long used traditional metaphors of 'light versus darkness' to describe 'good versus evil'. Petrarch was the first to give the metaphor secular meaning by reversing its application. He now saw classical antiquity, so long considered a 'dark' age for its lack of Christianity, in the 'light' of its cultural achievements, while Petrarch's own time, allegedly lacking such cultural achievements, was seen as the age of darkness.[18]

During the Reformations of the 16th and 17th centuries, Protestants generally had a similar view to Renaissance humanists such as Petrarch, but also added an anti-Catholic perspective. They saw classical antiquity as a golden time not only because of its Latin literature but also because it witnessed the beginnings of Christianity. They promoted the idea that the 'Middle Age' was a time of darkness also because of corruption within the Catholic Church, such as popes ruling as kings, veneration of saints' relics, a licentious priesthood and institutionalized moral hypocrisy.[22]

Consequently, an evolution had occurred in at least three ways. Petrarch's original metaphor of light versus dark has expanded over time, implicitly at least. Even if later humanists no longer saw themselves living in a dark age, their times were still not light enough for 18th-century writers who saw themselves as living in the real Age of Enlightenment, while the period to be condemned stretched to include what we now call Early Modern times. Additionally, Petrarch's metaphor of darkness, which he used mainly to deplore what he saw as a lack of secular achievement, was sharpened to take on a more explicitly anti-religious and anti-clerical meaning.

Just as Petrarch had twisted the meaning of light and darkness, the Romantics had twisted the judgment of the Enlightenment.[citation needed] However, the period that they idealized was largely the High Middle Ages, extending into Early Modern times. In one respect, that negated the religious aspect of Petrarch's judgment, since these later centuries were those when the power and prestige of the Church were at their height. To many, the scope of the Dark Ages was becoming divorced from this period, denoting mainly the centuries immediately following the fall of Rome.

The term was widely used by 19th-century historians. In 1860, in The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, Jacob Burckhardt delineated the contrast between the medieval 'dark ages' and the more enlightened Renaissance, which had revived the cultural and intellectual achievements of antiquity.[36] The earliest entry for a capitalized "Dark Ages" in the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) is a reference in Henry Thomas Buckle's History of Civilization in England in 1857, who wrote: "During these, which are rightly called the Dark Ages, the clergy were supreme." The OED in 1894 defined an uncapitalised "dark ages" as "a term sometimes applied to the period of the Middle Ages to mark the intellectual darkness characteristic of the time".[37]

However, the early 20th century saw a radical re-evaluation of the Middle Ages, which called into question the terminology of darkness,[10] or at least its more pejorative use. In 1977, the historian Denys Hay spoke ironically of "the lively centuries which we call dark".[38] More forcefully, a book about the history of German literature published in 2007 describes "the dark ages" as "a popular if uninformed manner of speaking".[39]

Cover design and artwork: The cover was designed by Carlo Jacono and features a Native American man holding a gun with the images of a broken safe and the head of tiger to the left and right respectively.

The circadian rhythm derives from the integration of many signals that shape the expression of clock-related genes in a 24-h cycle. Biological tasks, including cell proliferation, differentiation, energy storage, and immune regulation, are preferentially confined to specific periods. A gating system, supervised by the central and peripheral clocks, coordinates the endogenous and exogenous signals and prepares for transition to activities confined to periods of light or darkness. The fluctuations of cortisol and its receptor are crucial in modulating these signals. Glucocorticoids and the autonomous nervous system act as a bridge between the suprachiasmatic master clock and almost all peripheral clocks. Additional peripheral synchronizing mechanisms including metabolic fluxes and cytokines stabilize the network. The pacemaker is amplified by peaks and troughs in cortisol and their response to food, activity, and inflammation. However, when the glucocorticoid exposure pattern becomes chronically flattened at high- (as in Cushing's syndrome) or low (as in adrenal insufficiency) levels, the system fails. While endocrinologists are well aware of cortisol rhythm, too little attention has been given to interventions aimed at restoring physiological cortisol fluctuations in adrenal disorders. However, acting on glucocorticoid levels may not be the only way to restore clock-related activities. First, a counterregulatory mechanism on the glucocorticoid receptor itself controls signal transduction, and second, melatonin and/or metabolically active drugs and nutrients could also be used to modulate the clock. All these aspects are described herein, providing some insights into the emerging role of chronopharmacology, focusing on glucocorticoid excess and deficiency disorders. 589ccfa754

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