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Land, Gold and Women is a documentary about the conditions of typical women in rural Pakistan.[1][2] It chronicles the traditional use of ritual gang rape as a method of social control. Central to the film are the stories of Mukhtar Mai, and Dr. Shazia Khalid.[1] The documentary was first broadcast on 5 March 2006.

For millennia a diverse population of Native American tribes thrived on the abundant lands of California. Before European settlers arrived, an estimated 300,000 native people lived in small villages throughout the area. Contact with the new settlers brought about serious disruptions to the native way of life. The gold rush of 1848 brought still more devastation. Violence, disease and loss overwhelmed the tribes. By 1870, an estimated 30,000 native people remained in the state of California, most on reservations without access to their homelands. Two native descendants of these tribes, April Moore and Professor Frank LaPena, and historian James Rawls tell us about what happened to Native Americans in the period of the Gold Rush.

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The native tribes of California lived by hunting and gathering the abundant resources of the land. Their culture and religion place them in the role of stewards not owners of the land, preserving its abundance for the future. The hundreds of thousands of white settlers who arrived in California seeking a better future brought a different view of the land.

It just so happens it was the area where they found the gold at Sutter's Mill along the American River. And this gold strike brought thousands of people from every place known to man into our traditional territory. And because it was such a environmentally productive area, in the beginning they didn't have a problem with eating, but because there were so many people, they overused the area and created drought and created starvation for themselves, and along with them for the indigenous peoples.

Frank LaPena, professor, Native American studies

When two different people look at something so fundamental as the land, what we find out is, there is a very major gap in how we look at the land. To the indigenous people, the land is sacred. It provides a livelihood. It gives you an understanding of the place that you belong. It has allowed you over all these generations to know how to live with the land, how to gather things, how to use it so it is not depleted. And you have a sacred bond with the land. Essentially, the European idea of land is that you have to use the land, you have to make the most out of it, and you better use it in the best way.

Six years later, she's one of dozens of women in the central Brong-Ahafo region of Ghana still fighting to defend themselves, and their rights to the land here, against Newmont and its destructive gold-mining operation.

"I had independence. I wanted to build rooms for my grandchildren," Konadu says, sitting in front of her friend's blue-tiled shop just a five-minute drive from her land. She is now farming in a different community, on land that someone offered for free to help support her family.

Before Newmont laid claim to her farmland, Konadu could use it as collateral to get loans. "I was proud of what I could do with that," she says. The crops provided a steady source of income in a region plagued by crippling poverty, where running water and indoor plumbing are seen as luxuries and job security is scarce.

Newmont says on its website that it "restores the livelihoods of those impacted by [its] operations while improving the quality of life" of affected communities. In 2006, the International Finance Corporation, the corporate arm of the World Bank, signed a $125 million loan agreement with the company to bolster Ghana's mining sector, specifically the Ahafo mine, on the condition that Newmont improve environmental standards and support community members. The funding was also intended to create opportunities for local women and provide HIV/AIDS education. The IFC, citing Newmont-commissioned audits, says that the company was compliant with its standards. The IFC ceased contact with Newmont in 2015 when the loan was repaid in full.

THE AHAFO MINE, one of two that Newmont owns in this West African country, produces some 349,000 ounces of gold annually, according to the company. It is a sprawling operation that cuts through a breadbasket region heavily reliant on natural water sources. Mountains of rocks piled by Newmont workers, muddy with standing water and mosquitoes, peek through tall grass. Much of the land taken over by the mine is now all but destroyed.

In the close-knit communities near Ahafo, generations of families live and work together. Like Konadu, women here often own or farm land. Some inherited it from a matrilineal line. Now, many are without work, barely able to support their families.

The Ghanaian government granted the Ahafo mining concession to Newmont, along with the right to seize land and negotiate and pay compensation packages to those impacted by its operations through a Resettlement Negotiation Committee. That committee, made up of Newmont representatives, village chiefs, community leaders, and other local representatives, is the same one that decided Konadu's fate. The company says it has resettled 644 households since 2005.

In October 2009, community members near Ahafo noticed thousands of dead fish floating in a freshwater dam near the Newmont processing facility. The International Cyanide Management Institute had certified the Ahafo mine in 2008, stating that it was up to standard. But residents, as well as activists associated with the Wassa Association of Communities Affected by Mining, blamed a cyanide spill. Newmont uses sodium cyanide to extract gold from gold ore, a common practice. The company referred to the incident as a "minor chemical overflow" and said it had been contained and neutralized.

For local residents raising livestock, clean water is essential to their survival. "The animals used to drink the water," a local goatherd says, pointing at another water source where the company uses cyanide to wash the gold. "Now they won't, even if you push them."

YAA KONADU'S HOUSEHOLD IS one of more than 30 that have refused to give up their land or their homes, or both, to Newmont, according to Salifu. For Konadu and her neighbors, that has meant drafting petitions, translating and explaining legal documents, and taking the company to court.

The company also says that it provides training, health development, and vulnerable-peoples programs. Newmont's Ahafo Development Foundation builds schools and social centers and offers educational scholarships and other opportunities to affected communities. Newmont donates $1 per ounce of gold produced and 1 percent of annual net profits to the fund. But many locals say it's far from enough, considering how much damage has been done.

Ghana is not the only country in which Newmont's mining practices have provoked controversy, even violence. Newmont has also battled local farmers and activists near Peru's Yanacocha gold mine, the largest in South America. In 2000, a company contractor spilled hundreds of pounds of mercury along the Pan-American Highway in northwest Peru, allegedly sickening 1,100 people. Violent protests have erupted over the company's plans to expand its Yanacocha mining operations, though those plans now appear to be on hold. Security forces have beaten and even shot and killed protesters. In Indonesia, villagers living near Buyat Bay, on a northern Indonesian island, sued Newmont for $543 million in 2004, citing bouts of dizziness, breathing problems, skin diseases, and tumors among the community, which they blamed on Newmont. They, along with environmentalists, accused the company of dumping millions of tons of waste, laced with mercury and arsenic, into the bay. Newmont was later cleared of the charges in court.

On Konadu's land in Dormaa-Kantinka, a sign plastered on a tree near the farmhouse reads, "Newmont Land!! Stop farming. Land will be cleared very soon please!!" Konadu refuses to accept the final payment from Newmont until it builds her a new house and resettles her.

Newmont states that it only resettles people who are residing primarily at the property it is seeking. In Konadu's case, she farmed at the property and owned the house but did not always live there. Because of this gray area, Newmont says it is legally justified in taking land from people like Konadu for cash compensation only, without also paying to resettle them. She and other community members insist that they're residents and legally entitled to stay, or be resettled.

Some have taken the money instead of pursuing expensive and time-consuming legal battles that could take years. Ibrahim's husband was one such person. "The money wasn't enough," Ibrahim says, her children sitting next to her, shoeless and in ragged clothing. "If the money was enough, we wouldn't be here." She now farms illegally on land Newmont plans to use to resettle more people. Ibrahim has 13 people to feed, mainly children, all living in a tiny house. Her 21-year-old son, Isaak, drowned near Newmont's mine, she says, while he was hunting grass cutters (large ratlike animals) for food.

In a letter dated December 5, 2016, Newmont told residents of Dormaa-Kantinka who refused to give up their land that their "continued occupation" would "hinder access." It read, "As such you are being advised to take the necessary immediate steps to salvage any assets of yours from the Subika East Waste Dump Expansion (Dormaa-Kantinka) Moratorium Area."

Konadu, along with two dozen other community members, most of them women, signed a letter addressed to the local police stating their opposition to a forced eviction. The residents denounced Newmont's notice as unlawful, citing numerous sections of Ghana's constitution, including Section 3, Article 20, which says that inhabitants are required to be resettled on suitable alternative land if they are displaced by the state. Newmont says its resettlement criteria are in line with the requirements of Ghana's mineral and mining laws. be457b7860