Research

Organizations - Schools - Systems


Summary. My research integrates studies of innovation spread and organizational change with public policy and education reform. My research research studies how dropout prediction data systems spread within and beyond Chicago, Philadelphia, and New York City. Although scholars often assume failure in urban education reforms and quantification strategies, my study suggests a counterexample, detailing the role of networked organizations in bringing about meaningful changes. My research shows the intersection of the three strands of my previous and current research: (1) quantitative studies of K-12 education policies and processes, (2) qualitative studies of organizational change, and (3) methodological studies appropriating causal inference and network analyses to substantive questions. Over the past five years, my research has been published in 29 peer-reviewed journal articles, and supported by over 10 grants and fellowships from the American Sociological Association, National Academy of Education, Rand Corporation, and Asian Development Bank. 


Book Project

Why do some organizational and policy changes spread, stick, and scale while others don’t? In urban education in particular where many reforms do not lead to meaningful changes, what factors contribute to successful organizational changes and institutional transformation? Many organizational and education scholars highlight the importance of either top-down state capacity or grassroots buy-in. However, many of these state-led or grassroots movements fail to spread far in a decentralized educational system like the United States. Thus, I flip how schools and institutions are often studied by looking not at leaders or staff within school systems but at individuals outside these in research, philanthropic, and nonprofit organizations.

        

My current book project, From Boardrooms to Classrooms: Dropouts, Data Systems, and How Organizations Shape American Education, describes and theorizes the process of change brought about by “outside” school improvement organizations. It uses the case of dropout prediction data systems initiated in three urban areas in the early 2000s, and had spread to various U.S. districts. Also known as ninth-grade on-track or early warning indicators (EWIs), these data systems provided color-coded lists of students who were on- or off-track to graduate, leading to actionable improvements by teacher teams and administrators. While teachers were initially resistant to these systems and causal evidence was far from conclusive, these EWIs had spread to more than half of US high schools in less than a decade and had been lauded for reducing urban school dropouts. Rather than study an individual school or district, my research draws on 3 cities, 95 interviews and almost 3,000 pages of organizational documents to investigate the network of research, philanthropic, and nonprofit organizations that have started and scaled up EWIs in Chicago, Philadelphia, and New York City—areas where these initiatives first operated.

        

In the book, I suggest three “webs of improvement” for how organizations influenced what happened in high schools, through different webs of meanings, relationships, and practices. First, I show that the organizations wanted EWIs to appeal to the accountability and data-driven sensibilities of district officials and philanthropic funders while at the same time appealing to the everyday concerns of teachers. Because of this, organizations drew on what I call flexible logics by showing that the system can be both a tool of accountability and a support for instructional improvement. Second, these organizations employed various networks to spread this initiative. They created interorganizational networks that helped with division of labor between state and non-state agencies, grounded networks of schools that led to its dynamic and organic spread, and resource networks of philanthropists that were more diverse than commonly assumed. Third, to address resistance among teachers, organizations did not so much engage these beliefs directly as they simply proceeded with new organizational routines that led to revised schemas. I show how these strategies were applied in the three cities—at times organically through interpersonal connections while at other times intentionally through systematic and strategic partnerships. When many explanations of school reforms concentrate on state capacity and grassroots buy-in, I show how non-state organizations worked to reform public education by applying and at times challenging theories of institutional logics, entrepreneurship, and routines.


This research contributes to at least three domains of sociological and education research. For the sociology of organization, it suggests concepts to explain the spread of innovation through a multi-level perspective integrating the macro-level of institutional logics, meso-level of institutional entrepreneurship, and micro-level of organizational routines—suggesting a networked approach to institutional theory. For the sociology of education, it shows the importance of studying not only the reforms but also the reformers, particularly the network of school improvement organizations that have recently had a larger influence over policies. In terms of methods, this research uses comparative and network approaches to study school and interorganizational processes, a field that is ripe for greater insight and theorization.