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Marcos was elected as Representative of Ilocos Norte's 2nd congressional district from 1992 to 1995. He was elected Governor of Ilocos Norte again in 1998. After nine years, he returned to his previous position as Representative from 2007 to 2010, then became senator under the Nacionalista Party from 2010 to 2016.[15] Marcos unsuccessfully ran for vice president in the 2016 election, losing to Camarines Sur representative Leni Robredo by a difference of 263,473 votes;[16] in response, Marcos filed an electoral protest at the Presidential Electoral Tribunal but his petition was unanimously dismissed after the pilot recount resulted in Robredo widening her lead by 15,093 additional votes.[17][18]

Marcos made a second attempt for the Senate in 2010. On November 20, 2009, the KBL forged an alliance with the Nacionalista Party (NP) between Marcos and NP chair Senator Manny Villar at the Laurel House in Mandaluyong. Marcos became a guest senatorial candidate of the NP through this alliance.[94] Marcos was later removed as a member by the KBL National Executive Committee on November 23, 2009.[95] As such, the NP broke its alliance with the KBL due to internal conflicts within the party, however Marcos remained part of the NP senatorial lineup.[94] He was proclaimed as one of the winning senatorial candidates of the 2010 senate elections. He took office on June 30, 2010.

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Two days after his inauguration, on July 2, 2022, Marcos vetoed a bill sponsored by his sister Senator Imee Marcos that aimed to create a free economic zone within the New Manila International Airport. Bongbong Marcos said that the bill would cite "substantial fiscal risks", lacked coherences with existing laws, and the proposed economic zone's location near the existing Clark Freeport and Special Economic Zone; Marcos also called for further studies in establishing the planned economic zone.[150] On the same day, Marcos also ordered that the list of Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program beneficiaries to be cleansed after receiving reports of unqualified beneficiaries receiving cash assistance grants and downturned calls to surrender their accounts.

Aside from his common nickname "Bongbong", Marcos is known by his peers as "Bonggets".[49] Marcos is an avid listener of rock and roll, rhythm and blues, and jazz music. He once held a record collection in Malacaang Palace that he described as "the best record collection in the Philippines" but left it when his family was exiled from the country in 1986. He is a fan of the Beatles, citing Sgt. Pepper's Lonely Hearts Club Band as his favorite album of theirs, and often collects the band's memorabilia. Marcos can also play the saxophone.[273]

Marcos joined the "Liberal Wing" that split from the Nacionalista Party, which eventually became the Liberal Party. He eventually became the Liberal Party's spokesman on economic matters, and was made chairman of the House Neophytes Bloc which included future President Diosdado Macapagal, future Vice President Emmanuel Pelaez and future Manila Mayor Arsenio Lacson.[107]

Marcos ran a populist campaign emphasizing that he was a bemedalled war hero emerging from World War II. In 1962, Marcos would claim to be the most decorated war hero of the Philippines by garnering almost every medal and decoration that the Filipino and American governments could give to a soldier.[115] Included in his claim of 27 war medals and decorations are that of the Distinguished Service Cross and the Medal of Honor.[115][116] According to Primitivo Mijares, author of the book The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos and Imelda Marcos, the opposition Liberal Party would later confirm that many of his war medals were only acquired in 1962 to aid in his reelection campaign for the Senate, not for his presidential campaign.[63] Marcos won the presidency in 1965.[117]

Ferdinand Marcos's campaign for a second term formally began with his nomination as the presidential candidate of the Nacionalista Party at its July 1969 general meeting. A meeting of the party's ruling junta had met a week earlier to assure that the nomination would be unanimous.[129] Under the 1935 Constitution of the Philippines which was in force at the time, Marcos was supposed to be allowed a maximum of two four-year terms as president.[108]

On August 21, 1971, a political campaign rally of the opposition Liberal Party at Plaza Miranda in the district of Quiapo, Manila. Marcos blamed the then-still-nascent Communist Party of the Philippines, and issued Proclamation No. 889, through which he assumed emergency powers and suspended the writ of habeas corpus.[149] Oppositionists were arrested after being accused of being "radicals". Marcos's response further obscured the distinction between the moderates and radical opposition, which had already been blurred since the First Quarter storm. This brought about a massive expansion of the underground socialist resistance, when many moderate oppositionists saw no other choice than to join the radicals.[150][151][145] In 1972 a series of bombings in Metro Manila took place, ratcheting up the tension. Marcos again blamed the communists, although the only suspects caught in connection to the explosions were linked to the Philippine Constabulary.[152][153]

The media reports of the time classified the various civil society groups opposing Marcos into two categories.[143][144] The "moderates", which included church groups, civil libertarians, and nationalist politicians, were those who wanted to create change through political reforms.[143] The "radicals", including a number of labor and student groups, wanted broader, more systemic political reforms.[143][145]

The Marcos regime officially attributed the explosions to communist "urban guerillas",[191] and Marcos included them in the list of "inciting events" that served as rationalizations for his declaration of martial law.[152][additional citation(s) needed] Marcos's political opposition at the time questioned the attribution of the explosions to the communists, noting that the only suspects caught in connection to the explosions were linked to the Philippine Constabulary.[152][additional citation(s) needed]

The Ninoy Aquino's LABAN party fielded 21 candidates for the Metro Manila area[225] including Ninoy himself, activist Jerry Barican, labor leader Alex Boncayao,[226] Neptali Gonzales, Teofisto Guingona Jr. Ramon Mitra Jr., Aquilino Pimentel Jr., journalist Napoleon Rama, publisher Alejandro Roces, and poet-playwright Francisco Rodrigo.

On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting of martial law, the first presidential election in twelve years was held. President Marcos ran while the major opposition parties, the United Nationalists Democratic Organizations (UNIDO), a coalition of opposition parties and LABAN, boycotted the election. Marcos won a massive victory over the other candidates.[231]

Various protest groups formed immediately upon hearing the news of the unexpected burial. Among those who gathered to oppose the burial were youth groups and opponents of the burial of Marcos in the Libingan ng mga Bayani. The League of Filipino Students described the transfer of Marcos's remains as being done like "a thief in the night". They also criticized the government's involvement in the burial of the former president who they described as a "fascist dictator". The Kabataan Partylist also condemned the burial, labeling it as a "grave travesty" and as "galawang Hokage" in reference to the burial of Marcos being planned and conducted unbeknownst to the public.[308][309]

On November 9, 2018, Imelda Marcos was found "guilty beyond reasonable doubt" by the Sandiganbayan of seven counts of graft for the private organizations set up in Switzerland during her active duty as a government official from 1968 to 1986. In less than 20 days however, the Sandiganbayan listed Imelda's "advanced age" and health condition as considerations for allowing the accused to post bail. The Fifth Division's (of the Sandiganbayan) ruling read that "the fact that she is of advanced age and for health reasons, consistent with the doctrine in Enrile vs Sandiganbayan, bail is allowed for these seven cases."[312] The Supreme Court of the Philippines affirms that the Marcoses' assets, that are beyond the legal and declared government salaries, are considered as ill-gotten wealth. In 1998 however, the Supreme Court acquitted Imelda Marcos of corruption charges from a previous graft conviction in 1993.

As many student activists like Edgar Jopson and Rigoberto Tiglao, farmers like Bernabe Buscayno, journalists like Satur Ocampo, legal political opposition (Ninoy Aquino[331] and fellow candidate in 1978 election Alex Boncayao[225]), and priest and nuns joined or developed relationships with communist rebels,[332] many farmers,[333] student protesters,[334] leftists,[213] political opponents,[335] journalists and members of the media[336][337] accused of being members or sympathizing with the CPP, NPA or MNLF[338] or of plotting against the government were frequent targets of human rights violations. Victims would simply be rounded up with no arrest warrant nor reading of prisoners' rights and kept indefinitely locked up with no charges filed against them.[136] In a keynote speech at the University of the East, journalist Raissa Robles described how anyone could just be arrested (or abducted) with ease through pre-signed Arrest Search and Seizure Orders (ASSO),[339] which allowed the military or police to detain victims on trumped up charges or unclear allegations according to Rappler research.[340] Anybody could be picked up at any time for any reason by the military or the police, according to Raissa's husband, journalist Alan Robles.[341][342]

A 1976 Amnesty International report had listed 88 government torturers, including members of the Philippine Constabulary and the Philippine Army, which was respectively under the direct control of Major General Fidel V. Ramos and Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile.[26][343] According to torture victim Rigoberto Tiglao, nearly all of the human rights abuses President Marcos has been accused of were undertaken by Philippine Constabulary units, especially through its national network of "Constabulary Security Units", whose heads reported directly to Fidel V. Ramos. The most dreaded of these was the Manila-based 5th Constabulary Security Unit (CSU), which featured the dreaded torturer Lt. Rodolfo Aguinaldo,[27][136] credited with capturing most of the Communist Party leaders including Jose Ma. Sison and the communist's Manila-Rizal Regional Committee he headed,[344] the Metrocom Intelligence and Security Group (MISG)[340] under the command of Col. Rolando Abadilla,[27] and the Intelligence Service, Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP).[136] 2351a5e196