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Danish physicist Niels Bohr had observed that building an atomic bomb could never be done without turning the United States into one huge factory. Bohr saw his words borne out as the nationwide project transformed America with facilities coast-to-coast.

KARA

putting small sweet things inside of small colored things putting those things inside bigger sturdy things which in turn are put into even bigger things then sent out into that part of the world that exists contingently with the little utopia flourishing inside the shop, how could something so painstakingly pure continue to live if there were no dichotomous relationship with the thing it actively seeks to defy, i guess i am thankful that the strange discordant part of the world is a thing so that i can ride into my eleventh hour of a work day knowing that the place in which i serve my duty is one marked by upheaval of all that seeks to limit our freedom of selfhood in society. thank you lagusta and every single person involved for being warriors through chocolate and sweets, for creating and sustaining a THRIVING hub of positivity, power, and safety, and for allowing me to be a part of the busy winter season!

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In June 1961, Mandela sent a letter to South African newspapers warning the government that a campaign of sabotage would be launched unless the government agreed to call for a national constitutional convention.[11] Beginning on 16 December 1961, the campaign by uMkhonto we Sizwe with Mandela as its leader, was launched, with bomb attacks on government targets and planned for possible guerrilla warfare.[12] The first target of the campaign was an electricity sub-station. uMkhonto we Sizwe undertook other acts of sabotage in the next eighteen months. The government alleged more acts of sabotage had been carried out and at the Rivonia Trial the accused would be charged with 193 acts of sabotage in total.[13] The sabotage included attacks on government posts, machines and power facilities, and crop burning.[11]

In the 1985 the Amanzimtoti bombing on the Natal South Coast, five civilians were killed and 40 were injured when uMkhonto we Sizwe cadre Andrew Sibusiso Zondo detonated an explosive in a rubbish bin at a shopping centre shortly before Christmas. In a submission to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), the ANC stated that Zondo's act, though "understandable" as a response to a recent South African Defence Force raid in Lesotho, was not in line with ANC policy. Zondo was executed in 1986.[69]

In 1984, there was a series of mutinies in MK's Angolan camps that were suppressed by the Mbokodo, the ANC's internal security service.[80] During this time, the ANC detained and executed a number of MK dissidents suspected of subversion or disloyalty.[80] In one case mutineers killed ANC members and after the mutiny was suppressed seven mutineers were executed (with further executions only halted after the personal intervention of Oliver Tambo).[81]

In 2013, al-Shabaab fighters claimed responsibility for an attack on a Nairobi shopping mall that killed 67 people, and in 2015 the group killed 148 in an attack on a university in the city of Garissa. The latter was the deadliest attack in Kenya since the 1998 bombing of the U.S. embassy in Nairobi by al-Qaeda, in which more than two hundred people died.

In October 2017, the capital city suffered its worst terrorist attack to date when twin truck bombings killed more than five hundred people. Though al-Shabaab never claimed responsibility, the group is widely believed to have carried out the attack. The group said it was behind a siege at a hotel two weeks later that killed several senior government and military officials.

Down at the beach club there's a sales convention

Night sky is the focus of that crowd's attention.

It's no cosmic collision just a fireworks show,

But they feel it in their hearts when those

Concussion bombs blow.

He needs a vacation from bad decorations and snow

Mr. Claus has a has escape plans, a secret that only he knows

Beaches and palm trees appear night and day in his dreams

A break from his wife, half-frozen in life

The elves and that damn reindeer team

Oscar Wilde died in bed

Several floors above my head

Living well beyond his means

In that crazy Paris scene

Rain falls down in sheets so clear

No one ever calls me here

Traveling by my self these days

I'm into jazz and felt berets

Far from the that old eastern shore

Searching for strange metaphors

I don't want to be another victim of fashion

I don't want to see my name in the paper each day

Leave that to the young Turks

They're more handsome and dashing

Posing for paparazzi's down Laguna way

Down in the metro I feel the world start to multiply

Bastille, rubber wheels, spiked heels, subterranean lullaby

Met an African prancer, a hemisphere dancer

Spied the ghost of Brassens

We smiled at the secret we shared

And I hid it like contraband

"First of all, we send all the presidents of the savings and loans associations over to run the country of Iraq. That would solve two problems right there. And world peace, I've got an answer for world peace. We take the money that it'd cost us to build just one B-1 bomber, that one that doesn't work. We change it into five dollar bills. We put all of this money into bags and we fly over the Atlantic Ocean, past Europe because they're getting their shit togehter anyway. We drop this money on the Russian people. All those little tiny pictures of Abraham Lincoln come tumblin' down out of the sky. I want them to feel those sawbucks in their hands. You know how your money feels when you accidently leave it in your blue jeans and you take it out and it's all warm and soft, oooh! Well we let those Russian people hang on to that money for about a week and then we fly back over there. We fill our airplanes full of mail order catalogs from L.L. Bean. From up in Columbus, Sporty's Pilot Shop. And Victoria's Secret! The Russian people have this money in their hand, the catalogs come down. They look at those pictures on the opening pages of the Victoria's Secret catalog, not back in the outdoors section, you know what I'm talking about right? They got the money, they got the catalogs, they're going to get the idea. They send all the money back to us to buy the stuff. We have full employment. There's world peace, and the Russians have crotch-less underwear through the twenty-first century! Thank you!"

Prior to SALT, no arms control measure since World War II had enlisted so intensely the sustained interest of the international community. The United States in November 1952, and the Soviet Union in August of the following year, exploded their first hydrogen devices, and rising concern about radioactive fallout and the prospect of even more powerful explosions spurred efforts to halt testing. Succeeding events gave the dangers of fallout concrete and human meaning. In March 1954 the United States exploded an experimental thermonuclear device at Bikini atoll, expected to have the power of eight million tons of TNT. The actual yield was almost double that predicted, about 15 megatons, and the area of dangerous fallout greatly exceeded original estimates. A Japanese fishing vessel, the Lucky Dragon, was accidentally contaminated, and its crew suffered from radiation sickness, as did the inhabitants of an atoll in the area. In another such accident, radioactive rain containing debris from a Soviet hydrogen bomb test fell on Japan.

The central and most persistent barrier to a Treaty on cessation of tests, however, was the issue of verifying compliance, of agreeing to establish a system of controls and inspection -- particularly with regard to underground explosions -- that could guarantee against testing in secret. The Western powers were determined to ensure that no agreement would be vulnerable to clandestine violation. In test-ban negotiations, as well as in other arms control efforts, they considered that it would be dangerous to their security to accept simple pledges without the means of knowing that they would be observed.

Would not the best guarantee against the violation of such an agreement be the mere fact that secret testing of nuclear weapons is impossible and that consequently a government undertaking the solemn obligation to stop making tests could not violate it without exposing itself to the entire world as the violator of an international agreement?

A simple agreement to stop H-bomb tests cannot be regarded as automatically self-enforcing on the unverified assumption that such tests can instantly and surely be detected. It is true that tests of very large weapons would probably be detected when they occur . . . It is, however, impossible -- in my view of the vast Soviet landmass that can screen future tests -- to have positive assurance of such detection, except in the case of the largest weapons.

On-Site Inspections. The Soviet Union placed a limit on permitted inspections in its territory, refusing to allow more than three per year. The United States and the United Kingdom held that the number must be determined by scientific fact and detection capability. As new information became available, the United States eventually indicated that it could accept a minimum of seven, but the Soviet Union rejected this quota. There was disagreement, as well, over the size of the area to be inspected, the nationality and composition of inspection teams, and the criteria for identifying events that required inspection.

There were unresolved differences about the number and location of posts and about the number and location of the automatic seismic observation stations ("black boxes") with which it was proposed to supplement them. The Soviet Union also claimed that national control posts and automatic observation devices made any international inspection unnecessary, a position that the United States and the United Kingdom were not willing to accept. e24fc04721