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The council didn't take action on either proposal during Monday's hearings, though council members made it clear during the discussion that they are far more inclined to support the larger downtown project proposed by Smith Development than the eight-dwelling proposal that APIC Amarillo LLC is looking to build just west of Greer Park in south Palo Alto.

Burt and Stone both argued that the new accessory-dwelling units would fetch far more in rent than the existing cottages. Burt cited the high rents at AltaLocale and predicted that the accessory dwelling units at the Amarillo development would be similarly unaffordable for most service employees.

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I know that developers say that they need to include office space to offset housing in these developments, but we sure don't need more than 9000 square feet of new office space in Palo Alto, just to build 70 housing units. This office space may not even be needed. If it's filled, it will only bring more office workers and their cars to Palo Alto. Will the parking lot be big enough? I see some pretty big traffic problems with cars from the parking lot exiting onto already busy Middlefield Road at this busy intersection. So, no, I don't support this building plan.

I don't see why Palo Alto needs to destroy four rental cottages for the Amarillo development. I'm pretty sure that the new rental units will cost much more than the cottages do now.

I can't believe that the Alta Locale complex at the corner of Page Mill and El Camino will charge between $3368 and $4858 for studios and one bedroom apartments. This is in no way an example of affordable housing. I thought this was supposed to be tiny units for people who don't need cars to get to California Avenue. This is such a disappointing outcome.

Most Indonesians, aside from speaking the national language, are fluent in at least one of the more than 700 indigenous local languages; examples include Javanese and Sundanese, which are commonly used at home and within the local community.[11][12] However, most formal education and nearly all national mass media, governance, administration, and judiciary and other forms of communication are conducted in Indonesian.[13]

The prohibition on use of Dutch led to an expansion of Indonesian language newspapers and pressure on them to increase the language's wordstock. The Japanese agreed to the establishment of the Komisi Bahasa (Language Commission) in October 1942, formally headed by three Japanese but with a number of prominent Indonesian intellectuals playing the major part in its activities. Soewandi, later to be Minister of Education and Culture, was appointed secretary, Alisjahbana was appointed an 'expert secretary' and other members included the future president and vice-president, Sukarno and Hatta. Journalists, beginning a practice that has continued to the present, did not wait for the Komisi Bahasa to provide new words, but actively participated themselves in coining terms. Many of the Komisi Bahasa's terms never found public acceptance and after the Japanese period were replaced by the original Dutch forms, including jantera (Sanskrit for 'wheel'), which temporarily replaced mesin (machine), ketua negara (literally 'chairman of state'), which had replaced presiden (president) and kilang (meaning 'mill'), which had replaced pabrik (factory). In a few cases, however, coinings permanently replaced earlier Dutch terms, including pajak (earlier meaning 'monopoly') instead of belasting (tax) and senam (meaning 'exercise') instead of gimnastik (gymnastics). The Komisi Bahasa is said to have coined more than 7000 terms, although few of these gained common acceptance.[10]

Indonesian is spoken as a mother tongue and national language. Over 200 million people regularly make use of the national language, with varying degrees of proficiency. In a nation that is home to more than 700 native languages and a vast array of ethnic groups, it plays an important unifying and cross-archipelagic role for the country. Use of the national language is abundant in the media, government bodies, schools, universities, workplaces, among members of the upper-class or nobility and also in formal situations, despite the 2010 census showing only 19.94% of over-five-year-olds speak mainly Indonesian at home.[39]

There are more than 700 local languages in Indonesian islands, such as Javanese, Sundanese, etc. While, Malay as the source of Indonesian is mother tongue of ethnic Malay who lives along east coast of Sumatra, in Riau Archipelago, south and west coast of Kalimantan (Borneo). There are several areas, such as Jakarta, Manado, Lesser Sunda islands, and Mollucas which has Malay-based trade languages. Thus, a large proportion of Indonesian, at least, use two language daily, those are Indonesian and local languages. When two languages are used by the same people in this way, they are likely to influence each other.[47]

The disparate evolution of Indonesian and Malaysian has led to a rift between the two standardized varieties. This has been based more upon political nuance and the history of their standardization than cultural reasons, and as a result, there are asymmetrical views regarding each other's variety among Malaysians and Indonesians. Malaysians tend to assert that Malaysian and Indonesian are merely different normative varieties of the same language, while Indonesians tend to treat them as separate, albeit closely related, languages. Consequently, Indonesians feel little need to harmonise their language with Malaysia and Brunei, whereas Malaysians are keener to coordinate the evolution of the language with Indonesians,[73] although the 1972 Indonesian alphabet reform was seen mainly as a concession of Dutch-based Indonesian to the English-based spelling of Malaysian.

The classification of languages based on rhythm can be problematic.[91] Nevertheless, acoustic measurements suggest that Indonesian has more syllable-based rhythm than British English,[92] even though doubts remain about whether the syllable is the appropriate unit for the study of Malay prosody.[89]

Indonesian grammar does not regularly mark plurals. In Indonesian, to change a singular into a plural one either repeats the word or adds para before it (the latter for living things only); for example, "students" can be either murid-murid or para murid. Plurals are rarely used in Indonesian, especially in informal parlance. Reduplication is often mentioned as the formal way to express the plural form of nouns in Indonesian; however, in informal daily discourse, speakers of Indonesian usually use other methods to indicate the concept of something being "more than one". Reduplication may also indicate the conditions of variety and diversity as well, and not simply plurality.

Plural in Indonesian serves just to explicitly mention the number of objects in sentence. For example, Ani membeli satu kilo mangga (Ani buys one kilogram of mangoes). In this case, "mangoes", which is plural, is not said as mangga-mangga because the plurality is implicit: the amount a kilogram means more than one mango rather than one giant mango. So, as it is logically, one does not change the singular into the plural form, because it is not necessary and considered a pleonasm (in Indonesian often called pemborosan kata).

To say that something "is" an adjective, the determiners "itu" and "ini" ("that" and "this") are often used. For example, in the sentence "anjing itu galak", the use of "itu" gives a meaning of "the/that dog is ferocious", while "anjing ini galak", gives a meaning of "this dog is ferocious". However, if "itu" or "ini" were not to be used, then "anjing galak" would only mean "ferocious dog", a plain adjective without any stative implications. The all-purpose determiner, "yang", is also often used before adjectives, hence "anjing yang galak" also means "ferocious dog" or more literally "dog which is ferocious"; "yang" will often be used for clarity. Hence, in a sentence such as "saya didekati oleh anjing galak" which means "I was approached by a ferocious dog", the use of the adjective "galak" is not stative at all.

Cyrus Batchan, whose No.8 hospitality group is behind the swank cocktail bar Lock & Key in Koreatown, had partnered with Lin on Nightshade and last year reached out to Boonthanakit: Would he be interested in creating something new in the vacant location? The answer was yes, but with the addition of George, a native of Kerala, India, with years of fine-dining experience in Hong Kong and Doha, Qatar. George had never been to Los Angeles, but Boonthanakit knew their styles would click no matter where in the world they were cooking together.

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you can do with a few pics to drive the message home a little

bit, but other than that, this is fantastic blog.

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Write more, thats all I have to say. Literally, it seems as though you relied on the video to make your point.

You obviously know what youre talking about, why waste your intelligence on just posting videos to your weblog when you could be giving us something informative