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Jihadist violence continued in centre and north. In northern Timbuktu region, Al-Qaeda-affiliated Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims (JNIM) 24 Nov launched simultaneous attacks on army positions in Niafunk and Goundam towns; JNIM claimed taking control of Niafunk camp and killing around 50 soldiers, while military said they repelled attacks. Meanwhile, conflict gave rise to intercommunal violence and abuses, notably in centre. Suspected Dan Na Ambassagou militiamen 2 Nov killed four Fulani pastoralists in Svar town, Mopti region. Malian and Wagner troops 7 Nov allegedly killed 12 people near Molodo and Diabaly towns, Sgou region.

Rapid Support Forces (RSF) scored major victories in Darfur, reportedly targeting ethnic Massalit communities; RSF advances to North Darfur triggered Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) signatories to renounce neutrality, raising risk of all-out ethnic conflict in Darfur.

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JPA signatories threatened to fight RSF if it advances towards El Fashir, North Darfur. Paramilitary early Nov began march on North Darfur state capital El Fasher, prompting two JPA signatories, Sudan Liberation Movement under Minni Minawi and Justice and Equality Movement, 16 Nov to renounce neutrality and fight alongside Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF); third signatory, Gathering of Sudan Liberation Forces, 20 Nov followed suit. Groups deployed forces across North Darfur, raising fears of all-out ethnic conflict. Involvement of JPA signatories, whose members largely hail from Zaghawa community, could reverberate in Chad, where Zaghawa community lives and dominates govt and military (see Chad).

Fragility, conflict, and violence (FCV) present a critical development challenge that threatens efforts to end extreme poverty in both low- and middle-income countries. By 2024, projections are that the total number of extreme poor in FCV-affected settings may surpass that in non-FCV settings. And by 2030, an estimated 59% of global extreme poor will be in countries affected by FCV.

Violent conflict has spiked dramatically since 2010 in several regions, and the fragility landscape is becoming more complex. Since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, the world has seen a series of massive setbacks to stability in regions across the world: from Asia and Africa to Latin America and the Caribbean, and more recently in Eastern Europe.

Supporting sustainable Investments in fragile and conflict-affected situations (FCS) is a priority for the International Finance Corporation (IFC). These economies need investments that will create jobs, spur economic growth, generate tax revenues, rebuild infrastructure, and create hope for their people. Among Development Finance Institutions, IFC is leading in this space, investing and mobilizing nearly $14 billion in FCS over the last decade. IFC also provides advisory support to help develop a pipeline of sustainable investments in these contexts.

The World Bank Fragility Forum brings together practitioners and policymakers from around the world to exchange knowledge and experience on driving the development agenda forward in places challenged by fragility, conflict and violence.

The nature of conflict and violence has transformed substantially since the UN was founded 75 years ago. Conflicts now tend to be less deadly and often waged between domestic groups rather than states. Homicides are becoming more frequent in some parts of the world, while gender-based attacks are increasing globally. The long-term impact on development of inter-personal violence, including violence against children, is also more widely recognized.

Separately, technological advances have raised concerns about lethal autonomous weapons and cyberattacks, the weaponization of bots and drones, and the livestreaming of extremist attacks. There has also been a rise in criminal activity involving data hacks and ransomware, for example. Meanwhile, international cooperation is under strain, diminishing global potential for the prevention and resolution of conflict and violence in all forms.

As the world stands on the brink of a hunger pandemic, with the impact of coronavirus threatening to almost double the number of acutely hungry people to 270 million, those living in conflict-affected areas are suffering the most.

"We need to act now to build peace and end violent conflict," Beasley continues, noting that "this is the only way to prevent millions of women, children and men from falling into hunger, and save the world billions of dollars in humanitarian food assistance every year."

Lack of food due to conflict is a well-established fact. But the opposite is also true. Food scarcity can fan the flames of existing social tensions, fuel grievances and even further the cause of extremist groups, triggering or exacerbating conflicts.

With their focus on changing the lives of millions of people for the better, WFP's development activities can help reduce friction that could escalate into conflict. Food Assistance for Assets programmes, in which participants receive assistance to cover their food needs as they build or rehabilitate community assets such as roads, water reserves or irrigation systems, are a case in point.

In Kyrgyzstan, where disputes over natural resources at the southern border with Tajikistan are widely recognized as a source of conflict, WFP's engagement of communities to rehabilitate irrigation canals and pipelines in disputed territories resulted in an increase in water supplies and agricultural productivity, which in turn helped to prevent inter-community conflict over water.

In a handful of countries, decommissioned combatants are included in farming and other income-generating projects to advance their reincorporation into society and foster a stronger sense of community. Examples of this include Colombia, the Pool region of Congo and, most recently, the conflict-ridden Bangsamoro autonomous region in the Philippines, where former combatants are being encouraged to become forest rangers and join farming activities under the joint aegis of local authorities and WFP.

"Peace and food security go hand in hand," Beasley said. "Without political action to end wars and promote stability, and action from the ground to eradicate some of the root causes of conflict, there is no chance of achieving the goal of zero hunger."

Today, it monitors more than 110 armed conflicts and provides information about parties, the latest developments, and applicable international law. Some of these conflicts make the headlines, others do not. Some of them started recently, while others have lasted for more than 50 years.

This is, in numbers, the most affected region: more than 45 armed conflicts are currently taking place throughout the Middle East and North Africa in the following territories: Cyprus, Egypt, Iraq, Israel, Libya, Morocco, Palestine, Syria, Turkey, Yemen and Western Sahara.

Despite 126 countries improving their positive peace from 2009 to 2020 the 2023 Global Peace Index (GPI), reveals the average level of global peacefulness deteriorated for the ninth consecutive year, with 84 countries recording an improvement and 79 a deterioration. Positive Peace measured by the Positive Peace Index (PPI) represents attitudes, institutions and structures that create and sustain peaceful societies. This demonstrates that the deterioration was larger than the improvements, as the post-COVID rises of civil unrest and political instability remain high while regional and global conflicts accelerate.

The 14 conflicts in the following list have caused at least 1,000 and fewer than 10,000 direct, violent deaths in a current or past calendar year.[2] Conflicts causing at least 1,000 deaths in one calendar year are considered wars by the Uppsala Conflict Data Program.[37]

The conflict comes when most countries have minimal policy space to counter the effects of the shock. This is likely to intensify socio-economic pressures, public debt vulnerability, and scarring from the pandemic that was already confronting millions of households and businesses.

IMFBlog is a forum for the views of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) staff and officials on pressing economic and policy issues of the day.The IMF, based in Washington D.C., is an organization of 190 countries, working to foster global monetary cooperation and financial stability around the world.The views expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent the views of the IMF and its Executive Board. Read More

Mutual efforts to undermine their foe pushed the United States and the Soviet governments to plant spies within both the USSR and the United States to subvert policy, spy on intelligence, and seek out ways to hinder any effort at growing global power. While popular images of Cold War-era spies feature high-stakes missions, assassinations, and hidden recording devices that call to mind the world of characters like James Bond, these images were pulled from real-life acts of espionage. Many such gadgets, including poisoned pellets hidden in umbrellas or guns disguised as tubes of lipstick, emerged in the 1950s and 1960s. However, from the outset of the Cold War, acts of espionage between the United States and the USSR already existed.

Soviet espionage initially centered on stealing information related to the development of nuclear weapons. The Trinity test, in which the United States detonated a nuclear weapon for the first time, along with the use of two atomic bombs subsequently dropped on Japan, sent a clear message to the world that the United States held the most powerful bombs on earth. This gave the United States an undeniable advantage over other nations, and the USSR moved quickly to develop their own nuclear technology. Initially unsuccessful, the Soviets embedded spies in the United States to steal military secrets, including vital information that helped the USSR build and test their own nuclear bomb in 1949, only four years after the Trinity test. One of the most critical Soviet spies was Klaus Fuchs, a leading physicist who worked on the Manhattan Project and was a member of the Communist Party. After the Soviets tested their first nuclear bomb, the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) identified Fuchs as the Soviet source. Questioned in December 1949, Fuchs confessed to the deed. Another spy who worked on the Manhattan Project, Theodore Hall, stated he volunteered to pass information to the Soviets in order to equalize the global playing field. Unlike Fuchs and other Soviet spies captured by the FBI, Hall was able to evade US authorities and never went on trial. 2351a5e196