Download ~REPACK~ Dj Spirit Oko Oku Igbe Ika

However, at this same period when the evilactivities of these witches and wizards were becoming worrisome and pronouncedin the different communities across the Niger Delta region, so many traditionalreligious bodies and herbalist homes that claimed to have higher and strongerpower to subdue the power and spirit of witchcraft also emerged. They claimedto work against the practice of witchcraft in the land and how to expose theirevil machinations by way of identification and confession.

With this powerful gospel in the lips ofmembers of the Igbe religion, so many people who were allegedly believed to bevictims of the evil activities of witches and wizards started trooping in forquick salvation and protection against foreign and spiritual evil attackswithin and outside their families. This was how the branches of the Igbereligion were established in different communities across the Niger Deltaregion.

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In some instances, it could take a month, sixmonths or a year for the holy chalk to do its mystical work of identification.To identify a witch or wizard in this scenario, the holy chalk could infest thereal person with any kind of a strange sickness or at times, it could be thespirit of madness. Once this was observed in such a person, he or she would bemonitored until he or she would start to confess about all the evil andmysterious things he or she had done to people with his or her witchcraftpowers. As soon as this stage was established, the person in question would bebrought to the Igbe compound where he or she would be formerly confirmed as awitch or wizard before the generality of all Igbe and community memberspresent.

Ude looks at ikyar as being informed by the fact that;"fornication was considered a serious crime, while at same time, theunusual and uncertain period of waiting to marry was recognized as verytrying, so young men and women were allowed this form of marriage"(1993, 33-34). Both East and Ude had it correctly while the ikyar system ofmarriage was inevitable. However, the version from East is an immediatefactor, not the remote, while Ude's version is remote but not final inits totality. The ultimate reason regarding the concept of ikyar was based onthe serious concern of Tiv people to virginity. Oral tradition reveals that,virginity of a girl was a pride of the family, and as such, a wrong break ofsuch was a sacrilege. This is a serious taboo, among others that Wangenumerated as; "incest, disvirginity, trespassing spiritual orders, andpromiscuity" (2004, 10). Therefore, disvirginity was to be checked andtraced; so that the ikyoor rite (akombo associated with birth) will beperformed accordingly as the man, who breaks the virginity, must be requiredto bring a fowl for the completion of the rite. If this was not done, thegirl would suffer from west pains and severe agony during menstrual period,which may hitherto, lead to barrenness. Based on this premium, ikyar wasinstitutionalized as a moral decorum.

Though, this philosophy of aesthetics has been criticized by somesociologists and writers about art and society. Many scholars argued thatthere is no unique aesthetic object but a continuum of cultural forms fromordinary speech that experiences are signaled as art by a frame, institutionor special event. Thus, the aesthetics in Ier festival are anchored on thesocial and spiritual demands of the Tiv people presenting a spectrum ofaesthetic behaviour in festival form to achieve a communication that issocially worthwhile. Generally speaking, all theatrical productions havecertain aesthetics in common: the performer or performers, their acting inspace (usually some sort of stage) and time (some limited duration ofperformance), cotumes and make up, and a producing process and organization.Certainly, there are types of theatrical performance that entail ritual andmagic which Ier performance is also part and parcel. 17dc91bb1f