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But reconfiguring Western foreign policy for great-power conflict will not help restore democracy in the United States or anywhere else. There is little evidence that great-power competition strengthens civic bonds, equal rights, or economic security and much to suggest it could turn democracy further against itself. In fact, if the United States wants a well-functioning polity with a civil society at peace, the last thing it should seek is great-power rivalry. Many of the most pressing threats to democracy cannot be solved through a competitive framework: climate change, white nationalism and xenophobia, pandemics, and economic inequality. Instead of betting that conflict with China and Russia will invigorate the West, the United States and its partners should promote institutions of regional and global governance to mitigate the damage to democracy that great-power competition will invariably inflict.

To make matters worse, foreign occupiers rarely know enough to pick the right local people to put in charge, and even generous and well-intentioned efforts to aid the new government tend to fuel corruption and distort local politics in unpredictable ways. Creating democracy in a foreign country is a vast social engineering project, and expecting outside powers to do it effectively is like asking someone to build a nuclear power plant, without any blueprints, on an active earthquake zone. In either case, expect a rapid meltdown.

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On balance, the question of whether social media platforms are good for democracy is easy. On balance, they are not merely good; they are terrific. For people to govern themselves, they need to have information. They also need to be able to convey it to others. Social media platforms make that tons easier.

For most of the past 75 years, despite many mistakes, the United States has aspired to a foreign policy based on democratic principles and support for human rights. When adhered to, these guiding lights have enabled the United States to act as a leader on the global stage, pressuring offenders to reform, encouraging activists to continue their fight, and rallying partners to act in concert. After four years of neglect, contradiction, or outright abandonment under Trump, President Biden has indicated that his administration will return to that tradition. But to rebuild credibility in such an endeavor and garner the domestic support necessary to sustain it, the United States needs to improve its own democracy. It must strengthen institutions enough to survive another assault, protect the electoral system from foreign and domestic interference, address the structural roots of extremism and polarization, and uphold the rights and freedoms of all people, not just a privileged few.

But beyond their impact in 2020, official responses to COVID-19 have laid the groundwork for government excesses that could affect democracy for years to come. As with the response to the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, when the United States and many other countries dramatically expanded their surveillance activities and restricted due process rights in the name of national security, the COVID-19 pandemic has triggered a shift in norms and the adoption of problematic legislation that will be challenging to reverse after the virus has been contained.

More broadly, democracy has demonstrated its adaptability under the unique constraints of a world afflicted by COVID-19. A number of successful elections were held across all regions and in countries at all income levels, including in Montenegro, and in Bolivia, yielding improvements. Judicial bodies in many settings, such as The Gambia, have held leaders to account for abuses of power, providing meaningful checks on the executive branch and contributing to slight global gains for judicial independence over the past four years. At the same time, journalists in even the most repressive environments like China sought to shed light on government transgressions, and ordinary people from Bulgaria to India to Brazil continued to express discontent on topics ranging from corruption and systemic inequality to the mishandling of the health crisis, letting their leaders know that the desire for democratic governance will not be easily quelled.

The Biden administration has pledged to make support for democracy a key part of US foreign policy, raising hopes for a more proactive American role in reversing the global democratic decline. To fulfill this promise, the president will need to provide clear leadership, articulating his goals to the American public and to allies overseas. He must also make the United States credible in its efforts by implementing the reforms necessary to address considerable democratic deficits at home. Given many competing priorities, including the pandemic and its socioeconomic aftermath, President Biden will have to remain steadfast, keeping in mind that democracy is a continuous project of renewal that ultimately ensures security and prosperity while upholding the fundamental rights of all people.

Our work on the International Panel for Social Progress has led us to conclude that religion is neither inherently pro-democracy nor inherently anti-democracy. Finding ways to live together more freely and responsibly requires a careful look at the specific religions and specific societies in question. More importantly, it also requires attention to ground-level religious action and religious organisations and not just to theologies and authorities.

More than a century later, sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset came to the opposite conclusion. Lipset argued that democracy requires a political belief system that accommodates competition among ideas, while the Catholic church claims that it alone has the truth.

In a book published in 2011, Rethinking Religion and World Affairs, the authors argued that democracy is more likely to emerge and survive when religious actors are included in transition processes, instead of being viewed as hostile forces to be contained.

Regardless of how the U.S. Supreme Court may rule, it is clear that these attempts to regulate speech and how private companies operate are fraught with issues. While the states are the laboratories of democracy, Georgia would be better served to reject the rush to replicate policies that are obviously problematic.

John Matsusaka, Initiative & Referendum Institute president and author of Let the People Rule, agreed that one the biggest challenges when it comes to running direct democracy is getting the electorate sufficiently informed.

I quote that to make it clear that the ''involvement'' and ''participation'' envisaged here IMO is the democracy Kenya is currently cultivating(post nyayo) and when you look at it, generally, a thriving liberal market economy is hinged on this democracy - so democracy is imperative for Kenya's economic development.

The strongest platform on which discipline (subjective as it is) will be anchored is the New Constitution which already has started to show signs of fruition - and this is a death knell to those remnants who would like authoritarianism which an expanded democratic space governed by the rule of law shall definitely propel Kenya's Economy to where it is visioned to be...discipline is needed but democracy is paramount - ama?

IMO, if Kenya can successfully get rid of this culture, it would not matter whether we are under a democracy or a benevolent autocrat, greater economic growth would be possible. Consider the Kibaki presidency for example (despite his controversial re-election in 2007). Much as he is a laid-back leader in many ways, he has helped Kenya make several economic gains in the past few years. His focus on the macro-economic aspects have laid a good foundation for more growth (even at the microeconomic level) in the near future. He seems not to have focused too much on self-enrichment, even though a few people around him may have tried (and probably succeeded in a way) to benefit individually from his presidency.

The discussion is not just about the amounts of money and how it is allocated. It can also include the system of allocation and where the money comes from. This is important as while money can enable a democracy to better provide and secure the future of its citizens (the good), it is prone to abuse (the bad).

Abuse of money in politics can undermine the running of a democratic system. Through corruption, money can be used to influence democracy actors and institutions to favour certain groups and their interests. Unbridled use of funds by candidates and political parties can make the playing field for elections uneven. Illicit funds by organized crime can lead to inefficient or disrupted public services.

Being aware of how money can be used to advance democracy and its principles of equality and accountability, as well as be abused to unduly influence political actors and institutions empowers us, citizens. We then recognize the importance of transparency and become vigilant in ensuring that money is used appropriately.

Across 27 nations surveyed by Pew Research Center in 2018, people were more dissatisfied than satisfied with the way democracy is working in their country. This held especially true in a dozen countries where negative views of democracy outpaced positive by more than 10 percentage points.

He then concluded the piece, stating, "As we prepare for America to turn 250 years old, it may be time to rethink and renew our approach to choosing officials. The lifeblood of a democracy is the active participation of the people. There is nothing more democratic than offering each and every citizen an equal opportunity to lead."

In 2007, EU polls found that around the world, regardless of country, continent, age, gender or religion, about 80 percent of respondents believed democracy was the best way to run a society. And yet, very few people felt this way until very recently.

Anyone from big corporations to individuals and non-profits to unions can utilize lobbying services. More and more groups are hiring lobbyists to represent them and have their voices be heard. But one question remains, is lobbying good or bad for democracy? Here are a couple of reasons why lobbying is an essential part of a working government and democracy. e24fc04721