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Several popular dangdut singers include Rhoma Irama, Mansyur S., Camelia Malik and now Lesti Kejora as an Indonesian dangdut diva. Their music include strong Indian-music influences as the basis of harmony, theme, and beat. A dangdut musical group typically consists of a lead singer, backed by four to eight musicians. Instruments usually include a tabla, gendang, flute, mandolin, guitars, sitar, drum machines, and synthesizers.[6] Modern dangdut incorporates influences from Middle Eastern pop music, Western rock, house music, hip hop music, disco music, contemporary R&B, and reggae.[1][7]

The popularity of dangdut peaked in the 1970s and 1980s but emerged in the late 1960s.[8] By 2012, it was still largely popular in the western Indonesia, but the genre was becoming less popular in the eastern parts, apart from Maluku.[9] Meanwhile more regional and faster-paced forms of dangdut (as opposed to slower, Bollywood-influenced dangdut) have risen in popularity.

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The term dangdut is a onomatopoeia for the sound of the tabla (also known as gendang) drum, which is written dang and ndut.[10] Putu Wijaya initially mentioned in the 27 May 1972, edition of Tempo magazine that the doll song from India was a mixture of Malay songs, desert rhythms, and Indian "dang-ding-dut". It was reportedly coined by music magazine Aktuil, although Rhoma Irama stated that it was coined as a term of derision by the rich to the music of the poor. Despite its derogatory intent, it was seized upon by those playing it, and the term appears in Rhoma's 1973 dangdut classic.

Dangdut as a term distinguished the music of Javanese people from the Orkes Melayu (Malay orchestra) of North Sumatran Malays. Besides orkes Melayu, the primary musical influence on dangdut was Indian Bollywood music (Filmi).

Orkes Melayu singer Ellya Khadam switched to dangdut in the 1970s, and by 1972 she was the number one artist in Indonesia. Her success, with that of Rhoma Irama, meant that by 1975, 75 percent of all recorded music in Indonesia was of the dangdut genre, with pop bands such as Koes Plus adopting the style.

Beginning in 2003, certain dangdut musicians became the focus of a national controversy in Indonesia regarding performances by koplo dangdut singer Inul Daratista, which religious conservatives described as erotic and sexually suggestive. Protests led by dangdut megastar and devout Muslim Rhoma Irama called for Daratista to be banned from television, and legislation was passed in 2008 by the People's Consultative Assembly that introduced a broad range of activities described as pornography.[11]

The flamboyant performances at some dangdut shows also attracted collateral attention in May 2012 when a row broke out in Indonesia over a planned performance by international star Lady Gaga in Jakarta due to be held in early June 2012. In the face of opposition from conservative Muslim groups[which?] in Indonesia, the planned show was canceled. This cancelation led numerous commentators to note that opposition to Lady Gaga's performances was surprising given the nature of some dangdut shows.[12]

In the 70s dangdut took its mature form and contemporary shape. As popular music, dangdut is very open to influences of other type of music from keroncong, rock, reggae even house music which came to popularity in the 90s.

The reach of house music is so vast amongst Indonesian society that it motivates musicians to remix popular music even traditional music. This practice creates amazing mix of house music with jaipong, keroncong, campursari, tarling and of course dangdut. The massive popularity of dangdut made this house version of dangdut very famous all over the country. It is here funkot was born with a distinct character. Funkot has a very fast beat up to 220 bpm and made it the fastest beat music that were ever made in Indonesia.

The open nature of dangdut has resulted in funkot mix with popular local music in various areas in Indonesia, for example house dangdut minang in Sumatra, house dangdut koplo in East Java, house dangdut tarling in north coast (Pantura) of West Java and combination of minahasa pop in Manado and over hundreds of other hybrid styles.

In the 90s, one of the most popular group of house dangdut or funkot is Barakatak from Bandung. They started as a Sundanese pop music nurtured by a local legend of Doel Sumbang and evolved into Barakatak today with its house dangdut as the genre made top popularity.

Together with dangdut producer/ house DJ Ronny Load, Barakatak releases a phenomenal album called House Music Vol. 1 and House Music Vol.2 in 1996. The music in the album beautifully combined house music and the much loved

heavy jaipong rhythm.

Funkot began to dim in the mid 2000s and was replaced with more popular dangdut music. This was influenced by listener of this type of music developing economically. Dangdut is now performed and distributed on national television. While Funkot slowly disappears, the production pattern became a standard for dangdut music production in the era of digital recording. Performances became more common in smaller places and in smaller production scale.

Digital dangdut is played in a simple format using midi keyboard like Yamaha PSR and vocal, locally known as organ tunggal . This format performs with two singers singing in tandem and performs cover songs.

In the same era, movement of electronic music from young generation in the indie music scene starts to perform dangdut house music or funkot in an attempt to rebel against dominance of Western electronic music and is associated with higher income society.

It is here that dangdut met with drum and bass, dub, hip-hop, breakcore, techno even indie pop. DJs and producers like TerbujurKaku, Barokka, Feel Koplo, Libertaria, Prontaxan, Y-DRA and Gabber Modus Operandi starts to perform in underground music events at bars and small clubs.

In line with dangdut's open characteristic and development of thoughts in culture and technology, electronic dangdut will breed even more new sub-genre. Later on the music will find similarity from other cultures like Budot from the Phillipines, Morlam from Thailand/Laos, Singeli from Tanzania, Cumbia from Colombia even baile funk from Brazil. All of these meetings in the global south grass root music communities will in exchange inspire electronic music or music clubs from the West.

While twenty years ago dangdut koplo was a regional music on the margins, today this sub-genre of dangdut has grown to become the most popular music in Indonesia. Only a few studies have discussed dangdut koplo (Weintraub 2013; Raditya 2013; Riyanto and Dewi 2021), and none have given sustained ethnographic attention to women\u2019s experience. Based on long-term ethnographic engagement and participant observation among dangdut koplo professionals, I show that women shape dangdut industries as producers, managers, MCs, radio hosts, fans, and instrumentalists as well as singers. I frame women in dangdut industries through the lens of performance practice, as neither \u201Cvoiceless victims [nor] powerful agents\u201D (Niessen, Leshkowich, and Jones 2003:31), focusing on their lived experience, desires, and voices. Dangdut singers and other women who break molds mitigate their desires [I. nafsu] to avoid shame [I. malu] and protect their reputations [I. nama]. Similarly, industry decision-makers like producers and music directors temper the desires present in off-air dangdut practice to protect the reputation of dangdut itself and by extension the nation of Indonesia. Drawing on ethnomusicology, dance studies, voice studies, gender studies, and media and cultural studies, I show how dangdut koplo practice is affected by other performance forms and gender ideologies. By using hybrid methods (Przybylski 2021) to explore their daily lives, interactions with new media, and onstage personas, I show how singers perform (or refuse to perform) the identity expectations set for them. I consider gender and space in dangdut koplo through the lens of the roads. Through ethnography of social media and backstage at television studios and radio stations, as well as close reading of television, I contribute to scholarship about women in music industries and women\u2019s fandom. I also reframe concepts of the Indonesian rakyat by showing how women\u2019s fandom on social media becomes a public sphere for debating desires for the nation, a theme also present in government and industry projects targeted at helping dangdut \u201Cgo global.\u201D Dangdut koplo is a realm of argument about social class and women\u2019s bodies in which women use mass and social media to argue multiple sides of each issue.

Dangdut is a proof that all levels of society in Indonesia can enjoy music. The lyrics of Dangdut that is honest and close to daily life occurrences make Dangdut easy to understand for everyone, including those coming from lower to the middle class. But that very reason makes the gedongan people, those who came from middle-upper class, mocks Dangdut as music for the plebs. The mockery became increasingly common when Dangdut was identified as erotic music performances. Dangdut music, created by the combination of the sound of the drum, single organ, and flute, was accompanied by erotic dances performed by the dangdut singer. This performance bewitched the audience, especially men. They seemed to feel "high" and then willingly gave sawer, the act of giving money to the singer, without thinking about their primary needs. This paper raises the question of whether Dangdut Koplo can be considered as Khamr, a form of alcoholic substance if the performance has an intoxicating effect. By using the hermeneutic method, this study will analyze the phenomenon of Dangdut Koplo performance and the meaning behind the term of Khamr itself. The result shows that although Dangdut Koplo performance and khamr are two different things, there is a connectedness between the intoxicating effect of Dangdut Koplo performances and the concept of Khamr. e24fc04721