In her wide-ranging speech and a candid Q&A session hosted by Munk School Director Dr. Peter Loewen on November 9, 2022, at the University of Toronto, Minister Joly expanded on Canada's new priorities and plans for renewed engagement in the Indo-Pacific region and provided a preview of Canada's forthcoming Indo-Pacific strategy, which will be released by the Government of Canada within a month.
Below, please find an encore video presentation of the November 9, 2022, event, along with the full transcript of Minister Joly's speech and moderated Q&A with Dr. Loewen. The Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, like many Canadian organizations and institutions, eagerly awaits the release of Canada's new Indo-Pacific strategy and will be providing analysis and commentary as the government rolls out its ambitious new plan for this dynamic and growing region.
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I'm really happy to be with all of you today in Toronto, speaking to you before I leave with the Prime Minister for the Indo-Pacific region. We will be participating in different summits in the region, particularly the ASEAN summit in Cambodia, the G20 Summit in Indonesia, and the Prime Minister will also attend the APEC Economic Leaders meeting in Thailand.
Expanding our partnerships with countries in this region and deepening our economic ties is critical. How we intend to do that will be laid out in our forthcoming Indo-Pacific strategy. I'm pleased to say that the . . . strategy will be launched within a month. Acting in Canada's national interest without compromising our values will be the central tenant. I look forward to discussing the details with you then, but for today, I would like to outline some of what we can expect.
Before we dive in, I know that we have all been following what is going on south of our border. I'd like to say that Canada's relationship with the United States has stood the test of time. We have a proven history of working together, no matter who holds the Congress, the Senate, or the White House. That tradition will carry on today. I'm grateful for the excellent relationship that I've been able to develop with my American counterpart, Tony Blinken, who is now, I would say, a friend who was just in Canada two weeks ago. The Secretary of State and I have frank and open discussions. By doing so, we've been able to further align our approaches on the issues that affect the health, the security, and the prosperity of citizens on both sides of the border. This includes on major geopolitical questions, the pandemic, Ukraine, of course, Iran, Haiti, and now the Indo-Pacific.
We all know it, all of us feel it, we are at a critical moment in time. We may have been lulled into believing that the international system was more or less guaranteed as long as we stuck together . . . if we just held on, we could weather the storm. Yet, if there's one thing that 2022 has shown, it is that the tectonic plates of the world's power structures are moving. In this evolving global context, the status quo was not an option.
Canada ought to be clear about how we intend not just to engage, but to lead. To do so, we must deepen our existing friendship with Japan and South Korea, and we also need to seek new allies. We need to engage even when we disagree. We must show the world the very best of what Canada has to offer, diversify our diplomatic networks, and be a stronger force for positive change, showcasing Canada as a reliable partner for the region. This is what our Indo-Pacific strategy will be about.
The Indo-Pacific region is the epicentre of a generational global shift. It is the fastest-growing economic region of the world, responsible for almost two-thirds of global growth over the last several years. By 2030, it will be home to two-thirds of the global middle class, and by 2040, which is less than two decades from now, the region will account for more than half of the global economy, more than twice the share of the United States.
To put it plainly, the decisions made in the region will impact Canadian lives for generations. We must be at the table, step up our game and increase our influence. I know the question on everyone's mind is how we will account for China, which sits at the heart of the region. Our approach to China will be outlined in the strategy for which, of course, we can't have an Indo-Pacific strategy without it. In 1970, Pierre Trudeau demonstrated international leadership by extending a hand to establish diplomatic relationships with China despite our different systems of government.
The reason was simple, and the rationale widely shared. The community of nations could not sustain [inaudible] then isolate one-fifth of humanity from its international institutions. Dialogue, as challenging as it was, had to prevail over ignorance and fear. While their strong people-to-people ties remain, the China of 1970 is not the China of today. China is an increasingly disruptive global power. It seeks to shape the global environment into one that is more permissive for interests and values that increasingly depart from ours. China's rise as a global actor is reshaping the strategic outlook of every state in the region, including Canada.
Canada will never apologize for its national interests, and we won't be sorry for seeking to uphold the global rules that govern trade, human rights, or navigation and over-flight rights. We will continue to engage at the highest levels regarding the human rights situation in the Xinjiang region in China, where credible accounts of human rights abuses and crimes against humanity are well documented. We will continue to oppose unilateral actions that threaten the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. We will deepen our economic ties with Taiwan. We'll continue to stand up for freedom of speech and freedom of the press in Hong Kong. And in multilateral forums, we will act in concert with partners to face the complex realities of China's impact on the world stage while pushing back against behaviours that undermine international norms.
What I would like to say to Canadians doing business in and with China, you need to be clear-eyed. The decisions you take as businesspeople are your own. As Canada's top diplomat, my job is to tell you that there are geopolitical risks linked to doing business with the country. We will, along with the Minister of Trade, my colleague and friend, Mary Ng, help you diversify and mitigate risks across the region.
We'll also be adding a new national economic security lens on foreign investments in Canada, including in the critical mineral sector, as highlighted by my colleagues, Minister of Industry Franois-Philippe Champagne and also my colleague, Minister of Natural Resources Jonathan Wilkinson. In the words of Lester B. Pearson, "How can there be peace without people understanding each other, and how can this be if they don't know each other?"
That is why I'm announcing today that we are investing in deepening our understanding of how China thinks, operates, and plans, how it exerts influence in the region and around the world. Key embassies across our network will have dedicated experts to deepen our understanding of the challenges that China poses and the opportunities that it pursues. That will become a focus of our diplomatic effort.
As we consider the rising influence of China, we must also take into account the remarkable trajectory of India, the world's largest democracy. As India becomes the most populous country in the world, its leadership and influence will only continue to grow, both in the region and globally. With it, so will the opportunity for Canada, including the economic opportunity for Canadian businesses. India is looking to expand its commercial relationships in the energy, food, and technology sectors, all areas of Canadian strength.
Canada and India also have deep and enduring people-to-people ties. Canadians with family connections to India and Indians who now call Canada home in richer communities, companies, cultural institutions, and this very campus. In fact, India is the largest global source of international students coming to Canada. We will look for new opportunities to invest in connecting our people, and we'll continue to build on our existing partnership to the benefit of citizens in both of our countries based on a commitment to democracy, human rights, common interests in the free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific, and collective efforts to address global challenges.
Both of these approaches when it comes to China and India will be outlined in the strategy document and found throughout what you will see are five objectives. The first objective commits Canada's promoting peace and security in the region and, in turn, the world. The second will focus on trade, investment, and supply chain resilience. The third one, we will invest in people, development, and the defence of human rights in the region.
We will also share our world-class expertise to support the fight against climate change. And finally, we will answer the call from partners for greater engagements by expanding our regional relationships.
If I go back to the first objective, the stability of the Indo-Pacific region is essential to global stability in general. As we are confronted with new threats at home, in the region, and in the digital sphere, our presence becomes all the more essential. We will do more to tackle foreign interference. We will increase our military presence and enhance our defence and security relationships with regional partners and allies.
We will continue to work hand-in-hand with ASEAN countries and, of course, its member states to ensure full respect for international law, including in the very important region of the South China Sea. As climate change redraws maritime routes and major countries look to the North, we'll continue to uphold our Arctic sovereignty and work with Arctic partners to ensure it is a region where peace and the rule of law prevail. 152ee80cbc
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