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The commander of the expedition, David Perry, was the senior officer ofCompany F of the First Cavalry. He was born in Ridgefield, Connecticut,on June 11, 1841. Like so many other officers who served in the frontierarmy, Perry had learned to soldier during the Civil War. He received acommission as a second lieutenant in the First Cavalry on March 24,1862, and on July 1 of the same year he earned his first promotion. OnNovember 12, 1864, he became a captain, the rank he held at the time hebecame the commanding officer of Fort Lapwai. At the Battle of FiveForks, fought 16 miles southwest of Petersburg, Virginia, on April 1,1865, Perry won his first brevet for gallant and meritorious service.[1]

After the conclusion of hostilities, the First Cavalry moved to theNorthwest to participate in campaigns against the Snake Indians. OnDecember 26, 1866, Company F engaged a large band of warriors on theOwyhee River in Idaho and won a smashing victory, killing 30 of theenemy and losing only one man in the process. For his part in theaction, Perry received a second brevet, that of lieutenant colonel.During the years that followed, he continued to serve on the far-flungfrontier. His company was one of those that fought against the Modocs intheir stronghold at Lava Beds, and on January 17, 1873, Perry received awound in a battle with the Indians near Tule Lake. [2]

Perry was apparently a capable officer, if not a flamboyant one. In1868 Lt. Col. George Crook of the Twenty-third Infantry paid him a highcompliment in a letter to departmental headquarters. "Captain Perry isan excellent officer," he wrote. "I assure you it is no easy matter tofind an officer who is so conversant with his duty and who is so willingto do it and do it thoroughly." Crook particularly appreciated thecaptain's knowledge of Oregon and his ability as an Indian fighter. [3]

General Howard described Theller as "a generous, brave man, with awarm heart." The lieutenant and his wife Delia were noted for theirhospitality and frequently entertained. [9]Theller apparently lacked the stability and judgment expected of a44-year-old officer. A year before the outbreak began, WilliamBoyle, then a first lieutenant on an inspection tour, wrote a confidentialletter to Howard in which he recommended that the generaltransfer Company G of the Twenty-first Infantry to another post, if forno other reason than to separate Theller from some of his civilianassociates, who were not fit companions for an officer. Theller had alove of fast horses, and one writer has surmised that the lieutenant hadprobably become involved with gamblers in Lewiston. [10] The Thellers were childless. [11]

Two of the enlisted men in Company H were especially worthy,according to McCarthy. Private James Shay had no equal as a soldier whenhe was sober, which unfortunately was not too often. Shay was five feeteight inches in height. He was born in Tipperary, Ireland, in about1838. During the Civil War he had received a commission, but beforejoining his command he got into trouble and had his appointment revoked.McCarthy remarked that Shay had a knack for getting into scrapes, and ifthere happened to be a "strange" breach of discipline, the Irishman wassure to be involved. Once he rode his horse through the commandingofficer's tent. On another occasion he tried to put out a fire bypouring alcohol on the flames. However, in the field and away fromwhiskey, Shay was a model soldier, noted for his courage andclearheadedness. [36] The other enlisted manwas Private Charles E. Fowler. Although he had only been in the army fornine months, Fowler had already demonstrated that he possessed thenecessary talents to become a fine soldier. He was brave to the point ofrecklessness, but, like Shay, he also had a flaw in his personality. Hewas high-strung and hot-tempered and found himself continually indifficulty because of it. Fowler was about 22 years old. He had beenborn in Jackson, Michigan, but had spent most of his life in California.Grey-eyed and brown-haired, he was five feet six and one-half inchestall. [37]

foreword The images offrontier Kentucky have remained etched in the national consciousness . Those enduring views ofthe FirstWest featured a land not populated by American Indians, an Eden waiting to be claimed, a place of milk and honey. To this Heaven on Earth, first came small bands of Long Hunters who then told of the wealth waiting to be won, and settlers from beyond the mountains soon followed. Daniel Boone, wilderness scout, Daniel Boone, Indian fighter, and Daniel Boone, frontier leader, all became part ofthe picture . Families braved the dangers, fought hostile forces, built their cabins, and found their dreams. Small yeoman farmers, with their brave and hearty families at their side (if not always visible), lived a good life in the promised land. A few grew wealthy in the rural world and, with the labor of their mostly happy slaves, soon prospered. Out ofall that burst forth a new state. So went the image. But it was a false picture in so many aspects. Many of the parts of that society were covered over with fresh historical paints, hiding the reality of the original oils of memory. Yes, there was much of what the early rhetoric promised. It was a land rich in game, with fertile soils and the rest. But the rhetoric and the vision and, later, the writings of those who chronicled the era also obscured much. The Native American presence and viewpoint, the physical hardships and danger, the mental challenges, the roles of women, children, and blacks, the unfulfilled promises, the lawsuits, the frustrationsall that and more might still be a part ofthe early picture but would be buried away in some dark, unlit corner of the frontier tapestry spread before Americans. When I wrote an article surveying the status of writing on Kentucky history, over a decade and a half ago, few of the new waves of historical inquiry had swept across the study of the frontier. Yet, it seemed to me at the time, the sources cried out for just such a study. Some well-used materials could easily yield new insights if given a fresh look; some utilized items simply awaited an eager historical explorer; some accepted and older outlooks needed questioning and challenging. History too abhors a vacuum, and new historians have moved into the field. More recent studies have shown that the earlier interpretations no X Foreword longer can serve as faithful guides to frontier and early antebellum Kentucky. A whole series of recent books and articles demonstrate that while there is much very sound in those previous accounts, there is much more to know and to understand. Despite two centuries of writing, the images and the realities ofearly Kentucky remain as far distant from each other as the seacoast was to those on the frontier, beyond the mountains. This collection represents an important new study in that evolving reexamination ofthe early frontier. The result is a nuanced portrayal ofa perplexing and complex world, one evolving and changing, one that brings the reality closer and into clearer focus. These essays sometimes support, often refute, and usually redefine ideas about this society and those who lived in it. They demonstrate which parts of the older story still ring true and which ones are hollow echoes of the frontier as it existed. The BuzzelAboutKentuck presents a view ofthe frontier based on a wider concept of what affected those early European-Americans and African Americans-the American Indian context, the ties to the East, the national markets, the world situation. This book emphasizes the lives of those often ignored on the frontier-settlers south ofGreen River, workmen, free blacks, AfricanAmerican churchgoers, and women generally. These essays also stress that the western frontier was not specifically of one historical moment. In Kentucky, different frontier societies developed in different ways at different times, according to a whole series ofeconomic, financial, migratory, and governmental factors. There was a frontier not of time but of actions for a century after 1750, and beyond. These scholars and their essays represent a large part of the core of exciting work being done on the trans-Appalachian west. When you combine their fresh insights with good scholarship and an important subject, the result is what this work is-a significant new look at Kentucky and the early American frontier. James C. Klotter ...

Today, December 27, marks the sixth anniversary of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Since December 27, 1979, when a massive Soviet force crossed the Afghan frontier to support a faltering Marxist regime, the Afghan resistance has grown increasingly effective. The Soviet-supported regime in Kabul has failed to gain even a modicum of popular support or international acceptance. The Soviets and their Afghan surrogates have resorted to barbaric methods of waging war in their effort to crush this war of national liberation. Indiscriminate air and artillery bombardments against civilian areas, savage reprisals against noncombatants suspected of supporting the resistance, and the calculated destruction of crops and irrigation systems have ravaged the Afghan countryside. Thousands of young Afghans are being shipped to the Soviet Union for reeducation in summer camps, universities, and specialized institutions. ff782bc1db

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