The Manipulation of Supposedly Feminine Vices in Monastic Letters to Women

By: Caroline Taylor

Key words: medieval, Middle Ages, Bernard of Clairvux, Anselm of Bex, Christian thought, women, women's studies, medieval christianity, letters, monasticism

“I have seen a necklace fit to hang around the neck of none other than a pure virgin”(1): The manipulation of supposedly feminine vices in monastic letters to women.

The twelfth century witnessed a great flourishing of letter writing and the creation of letter collections (2). As a result, these letter collections have become one of the principle bodies of evidence for research into Medieval Christian thought. Yet despite the vast number of these surviving letter collections, few of the letters they contain are addressed to women. Indeed, the letter collections of Bernard of Clairvaux and Anselm of Bec are considered to include an unusually high number of female recipients; five percent and eight percent of each collection respectively (3). Yet despite the low number of letters addressed to women, the nature of letter collections means that they still represent a valuable source from which historians are able to understand the male perception of women within the context of monasticism and wider Christian thought. These letters are able to demonstrate the male understanding of their female reader through the theological teaching which they contain. What they chose to teach their reader reflected both how they viewed women in reality as well as the feminine state of spiritual perfection they were encouraging their reader to strive towards.

By focussing on three letters written by Peter of Celle and Bernard of Clairvaux, this study shall demonstrate the way in which these authors drew upon their theological perception of women. Beginning with a discussion on the nature of letter collections and the way in which they are read, this study will then explore the correlation between the Medieval theological perception of women and the way in which male authors approached female spirituality. Looking specifically at the ideas of female pride, vanity and materialism we shall explore the way in which monastic authors adapted and manipulated supposed feminine vices in order to encourage their reader to strive for spiritual ends.

Firstly, it is important to note that the letters preserved in collections must not be confused with genuine correspondence. As Vera Morton states, Medieval letters “were designed for copying and circulation among a wider public” as they were “useful for further audiences”(4). Therefore, these letters act as public correspondence masquerading as private communication. Indeed, any information of a more sensitive nature would have been delivered orally by the messenger, leaving the physical letter to act almost like a gift, a symbol of status and education enhancing the image of the author and recipient.

This is especially true of those letters gathered into collections (5). The creation of letter collections was a major editing process with the inclusion of any letter being intentional with some wider motivation beyond the contents of the letter itself. Sally Vaughn in her St Anselm and the Handmaidens of God convincingly argues that Anselm purposefully preserved his letters to women as a guide for his students, offering acceptable language, images and examples to use when writing to the opposite gender (6). Therefore, a letter found within a collection is unlikely to represent the whole correspondence, nor is it guaranteed to be an uncorrupted version of the letter read by its recipient. Yet, while this makes the ‘original’ letter somewhat elusive, when read as the purposefully edited and refined letters that they are, scholars are able to better understand the theological thoughts which they contain. If we apply Vaughn’s understanding of these letters as archetypes, a letter within a collection contains what the author or editor of the collection considered to be an example, theologically and stylistically, of how to write a letter in similar circumstances. Therefore, when concentrating on letters addressed to women, these letters may be understood to present what the author considered to be the correct theological perception of women as well as gender appropriate pedagogy.

This male understanding of female spirituality is important when looking at the letters of the late eleventh and twelfth century, such as those explored here, because this was a period of change for women within Medieval Christianity. During the twelfth century, a growth in male attentiveness to female mysticism, coincided with a greater involvement of women more generally within the Church and monastic-like communities (7). Consequently, this period also experienced a growing concern for the spiritual direction of women and an increasing demand for didactic work written specifically for a female audience. This is reflected in the letters written by prominent church leaders and theologians to women during this time. These letters, especially those addressed to women or communities within the cloister, often focus on providing their reader with theological teaching and guidance, creating a feminised understanding and approach to their faith. This is part of the wider idea of gender division in monasticism, as Abelard stated: “we want convents of women always to be subject to monasteries of men, so that the brothers may take care of the sisters” (8).

In their letters to women, male authors were presenting to their female readership a gendered theology tailored to what the male perception of women was. In these letters to women, male authors can be seen utilising and adapting traditional gender theology to their own ends. Nevertheless, their perception of women and the teaching it inspired is reflective of the wider theology on women developed by the Church Fathers and ascetic movement. Eillen Power states that:

“the expressed opinion of any age depends on the persons and the classes who happen to articulate it; and for this reason alone, it often represents the views of a small but vocal minority. In the early middle ages what passed for contemporary opinion came from two sources – the Church and the aristocracy” (9).

Likewise, the Medieval Church’s theological understanding of gender distinctions was largely the creation of the Church Fathers, namely Jerome, Ambrose, Cyprian and Tertullian. From the Church Fathers, later theologians inherited a dualist understanding of the world. Not a dualist theory in the Gnostic sense, but rather a division in the world between the carnal and the spiritual (10). For the Fathers, the division between these two spheres ran parallel to the division of the sexes. Man belonged in the spiritual realm, woman to the physical and carnal. Hence ‘woman’ “became synonymous with sinful flesh, sexual distraction, perpetual temptation, and lust” (11). Indeed, Isidore of Seville wrote that: “man drew his name (vir) from his force (vis), whereas woman (mulier) drew hers from her softness (mollites)” (12). Like man, this softness of woman was not just physical but mental. As women belonged to the carnal and physical world, while men the spiritual, women in theology were not just synonymous with lust, but also with vanity; their mental softness making them more susceptible to vice.

Early Christian thought dictated that two of the vices more prone to women were that of vanity and pride. This anti-feminist stereotype of women can most clearly be seen in Jerome’s Adversus Jovinianum. Jerome’s assault on the institution of marriage, particularly the fact that marriage brought one into too close a proximity to women, created a negative presentation of women that would become embodied in Christian thought. Jerome writes:

“A wise man therefore must not take a wife…Matrons want many things, costly dresses, gold, jewels, great outlay, maid-servants, all kinds of furniture, litters and gilded coaches. Then…she complains that one lady goes out better dressed than she: that another is looked up to by all…Our gaze must always be directed to her face, and we must praise always her beauty.” (13)

Therefore, the image of women presented by Jerome, with little theological or Biblical basis, is one driven by vanity, materialism and jealousy of other women. It is clear from their letters that male authors understood the character of women in this light. Indeed, male authors can be seen manipulating women’s supposed vanity and materialism to their own advantage.

Peter of Celle in one of his only letters to women creates an elaborate metaphor in which the virtues of humility and virginity become a priceless mirror and necklace for sale in the market (14). He describes how they are of “inestimable value, rarely finding a seller, more rarely still a buyer. Certainly, in acquiring it the heavenly treasuries are emptied”(15). Yet, because she has exchanged “the King of the English for the King of the angels”, the letters recipient Matilda, Abbess of Fontevrault is able to buy the necklace “when the sale was almost despaired of” (16).

This metaphor highlights an approach often adopted by male authors when discussing the monastic life with women. By creating a thought process in which virtues become more valuable than jewels, Peter attempts to use his female readers innate materialism to encourage her to strive for spiritual perfection. Rather than desire material things, such as jewels, theoretically his reader will now long for and chase after virtues. Through his teaching on the virtues of humility and virginity, Peter reflects his understanding of women as inherently vain and materialistic. Yet, rather than address these issues, he manipulates this supposedly feminine vice for spiritual ends.

In this letter, Peter of Celle also writes that: “For this [necklace] the hands of young girls, in all eagerness as if intending to buy, were flocking about, but when they heard the price all of them instantly leapt back.” (17) It is important to note that the ‘necklace’ purchased by Matilda through her monastic vows, was first desired by other women who were not able to pay the price. This reflects another characteristic of women as perceived by men; that they long to be the object of envy. Indeed, as Jerome wrote “she complains that one lady goes out better dressed than she: that another is looked up to by all” (18). Here, a woman’s greatest complaint is that another has what she does not. Therefore, Peter, by highlighting that only Matilda was able to purchase the necklace desired by many other women, is seeking to appeal to her vanity. Believing his female reader to be one who is naturally vain and jealous of other women, Peter here attempts to convince her of the benefit of monasticism through the promise of riches in the eternal life. Denied riches in this life, Matilda need not be jealous of other women, because she will instead be rewarded in heaven.

Bernard of Clairvaux also sought to appeal to women’s natural desire to be the object of jealously rather than the subject of it. In his letter to the Virgin Sophia he compares in great detail clothing and adornment of Sophia and other women.

“They are clothed in purple and fine linen, but their souls are in rags. Their bodies glitter with jewels, but their lives are foul with vanity. You, on the contrary, whilst your body is clothed in rags, shine gloriously within, but in the sight of heaven, not of the world.” (19)

Like Peter of Celle, Bernard believes vanity and jealousy to be part of Sophia’s natural disposition and paradoxically manipulates these vices to make virtue more appealing. Rather than be jealous of other women and desire their riches, Sophia can boast in her superior wisdom and knowledge that she will receive better in the next life. Thus, male authors appeal to theoretical vanity of their reader and appease her supposed jealousy. What is perhaps most interesting here is that rather than warn against such sinful sentiments, male authors are manipulating these emotions so that rather than yearn for sinful material objects, their female readers long for and take pride in spiritual virtues.

The promise of eternal reward is also used in letters between men. For example, Anselm of Bec when writing to his cousin Peter tells him to:

“begin to prepare for so great a gain, hasten towards such a reward, the relinquishing the things of this world, you may henceforth receive an hundredfold and possess eternal life.” (20)

However, the lavish imagery of riches is specific to correspondence with women. This suggests that while man is comforted with the knowledge of heaven alone, women require more elaborate promises to appease their natural pride and vanity. This is reflective of the theological idea of women encapsulated in the description of women by Jerome.

Part of the woman imagined by Jerome is that her looks much always be praised. He writes “we must praise always her beauty.”(21) In their letters to women, male authors can also be seen appealing to this theoretical aspect of their female readers’ personality. In these letters, physical beauty is often associated with moral standing. In his comparison of the Virgin Sophia in Letter 116 and a nun who lives a worldly life, in Letter 117, Bernard draws upon this idea extensively. Undoubtedly these letters were placed alongside each other within the collection in order to highlight the clear physical differences in the “precious” virgin and alternative “corruption” of one who lived “a life that was not holy”. (22) Standing in obvious juxtaposition, Bernard writes to Sophia that:

“The ornaments of a queen have no beauty like the blushes of natural modesty which colour the cheeks of a virgin. Nor is the mark of self-discipline a whit less becoming. Self-discipline composes the whole bearing of a maid’s body and the temper of her mind. It bows her head, smoothes her brow, composes her face, binds her eyes, controls her laughter, bridles her tongue, calms her anger, and governs her steps. Such are the pearls which adorn the vesture of a virgin.” (23)

In contrast, Bernard questions the “violated” nun and describes the physical signs of her sinfulness which were covered by her veil. He asks:

“Why did you feign by the veil on your head a gravity that your impudent glances belied? The veil you wore covered a haughty brow, under the outward guise of modesty you carried a saucy tongue in your head. Your unrestrained giggles, wanton bearing, good attire, were more becoming to a coiffure than a veil!” (24)

The two descriptions of the physical appearance of both these nuns clearly presents Bernard teaching women that virtue has made the Virgin Sophia more beautiful. Here Bernard is creating an association between virtue and physical beauty designed to appeal to the vanity of his female readers. He is encouraging them to chase virtue if they wish to be beautiful. As with the earlier manipulation of feminine materialism, rather than write on the morality of virtue as opposed to vice, Bernard purposefully targets the vanity of his reader. He insults the physical appearance of the corrupt nun in order to encourage her to peruse virtue over vice. Similarly, he flatters the Virgin Sophia in order to present an attractive image of monasticism to his female reader. In both cases, Bernard’s understanding that women were innately vain influences and dictates his teaching to them. He manipulates this aspect of his perceived woman and adapts it for a spiritual end.

Julian Haseldine in Friendship in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age argued that the study of monastic letters has largely been concentrated on two concerns: the nature of friendship and personal relationships; and the wider patterns of collaboration and network creation. (25) However, both these avenues of research have largely ignored letters to women. In contrast, Joyce Salisbury has highlighted that scholars have typically left the gendering of theology unexplored meaning the individual’s experience of religion has remained elusive.(26) However, the study of monastic letters of guidance to women is able to bridge both these gaps in scholarship. As this study has demonstrated, letters of guidance to women, although existing only in a small number, showcase how male authors understood gender and how they presented a feminine spirituality to their female readers. Inspired by the anti-feminist presentation of women by authors like Jerome, male authors developed a tactic of persuasion designed to appeal to female pride. Rather than instruct women against vice and extol the moral superiority of virtues, male authors instead transform virtues into metaphorical riches, clothing and beauty. This is a calculated move designed to appeal to the pride and vanity of women, as understood by late monastic male authors. The result is a paradoxical manipulation of vice in order to encourage and promote a more virtuous lifestyle to the female reader. Women remain inherently vain and materialistic, but the outcome is now more spiritually acceptable with the end justifying the means.

Footnotes:

1. Letter 27, From Peter of Celle to Matilda, Abbess of Fontevrault, pp.86-91.
2. Morton, Guidance for Women, (2003), p.1.
3. Bernard 21/469 letters; Anselm 26/308 letters.
4. Morton, Guidance for Women, (2003), p.1.
5. Haseldine, “Monastic Friendship in Theory and in Action” (2010), p.355.
6. Vaughn, St Anselm and the Handmaidens of God, (2003).
7. Mews, Listen Daughter, (2001), p.5.
8. Barlett, Male Authors, Female Readers, (1995), p.37.
9. Power, Medieval Women, (1975), p.9.
10. Salisbury, Church Fathers, Independent Virgins, (1991), p.11.
11. Tibbetts Schulenburg, Forgetful of their sex, (1998), p.317.
12. Salisbury, “Gendered Sexuality”, The Handbook of Medieval Sexuality,(2010), p.85.
13. Jerome, “Against Jovinian” in Love, Sex and Marriage, (2004), pp.41-43.
14. Letter 27, From Peter of Celle to Matilda, Abbess of Fontevrault, pp.86-91.
15. Ibid.
16. Ibid.
17. Ibid.
18. Ibid.
19. Letter 116, From Bernard to the Virgin Sophia, pp.174-177.
20. Letter 56, From Anselm to his cousin Peter, who has expressed the desire to come to Bec and become a monk, (Vol. 1), pp. 167-168.
21. Jerome, “Against Jovinian” in Love, Sex and Marriage, (2004), pp.41-43.
22. Letter 117, From Bernard to a Nun, pp.177-179.
23. Letter 116, From Bernard to the Virgin Sophia, pp.174-177.
24. Letter 117, From Bernard to a Nun, pp.177-179.
25. Haseldine, “Monastic Friendship in Theory and in Action” (2010), p.380.
26. Salisbury, “Gendered Sexuality”, The Handbook of Medieval Sexuality,(2010), pp.81-102.

Bibliography:

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Jerome, “Against Jovinian.” In Love, Sex and Marriage in the Middle Ages: A Sourcebook, by Conor McCarthy, (London: Routledge, 2004), pp.41-43.

Jerome,“Adversus Jovinianum.” In Jankyns Book of Wikked Wyves, by Ralph Hanna, (Athens: Univeristy of Georgia Press, 1997) pp.157-194.

Theophrastus, “Liber de nuptiis.” In Jankyn's Book of Wikked Wyves, by Ralph Hanna, (Athens: Univeristy of Georgia Press, 1997) pp.149-156.

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McGuire, Brian Patrick, Friendship & Community: The Monastic Experience, 350-1250, (Kalamazoo: Cistercian Publications, 1988).

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Townsend, David, The Tongue of the Fathers: Gender and Ideology in the Twelfth-Century Latin, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998).

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Vaughn, Sally, St Anselm and the Handmaidens of God; A study of Anselm's Correspondence with Women, (London: Brepols Publishers, 2003).