So, is unfriending ok? Maybe it is as wrong as removing Gotham from your Netflix. You are not avoiding debate, but rather a news feed of sorts. In my opinion, your point of keeping the debate open does not apply to Facebook and Twitter. Especially because I have yet to see anyone change their political convictions over something they read on their timeline.
Even aside from just being needlessly rude about your colleagues, you directly contribute to the problem of political diversity in academia. Of course students of a non-liberal persuasion are going to be put off from pursuing careers in academia when they read vitriolic posts like this from a philosophy lecturer about how evil they are.
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Peter Robinson: The political philosopher, Harvey Mansfield. He arrived at Harvard University as an undergraduate in the fall of 1949 and has remained at Harvard ever since. For a man who has spent almost six decades studying the United States, five questions about America today. Harvey Mansfield on Uncommon Knowledge now. Welcome to "Uncommon Knowledge". I'm Peter Robinson. The political philosopher Harvey Mansfield enrolled at Harvard University in the autumn of 1949 and has remained at Harvard ever since. After receiving his undergraduate degree from Harvard in 1953, he received his doctoral degree from Harvard in 1962. The following year, in 1963, he joined the Harvard faculty. And earlier this very day, 59 years after joining the Harvard faculty, Professor Mansfield taught a seminar in political philosophy at Harvard. Harvey Mansfield has published more than a dozen books, including the standard edition of de Tocqueville's "Democracy in America" published in 2000, which he translated and edited with his late wife Delba Winthrop. In 2006, Professor Mansfield perhaps, published perhaps his most controversial book "Manliness." Joining me today from the campus of Dartmouth College, one of the few institutions that can condescend to mother Harvard Harvard legend, Professor Harvey Mansfield. Harvey, five questions. Here's, first, family and religion. And the big question here is do our underlying social institutions remain healthy enough to support self-government? From your book "Tocqueville: A Very Short Introduction," I'm quoting you, "In Tocqueville religion and family represent an indispensable supplement to politics that keeps it under restraint with the reminder of a higher and more intimate life than political life. Both religion and family are necessary, necessary to self-government." All right, we come to religion in a moment. First, family. This'll take another moment to set up and then I just leave it to you. In 1965, 2 years after you joined the Harvard faculty, Daniel Patrick Moynihan published his famous report, "The Negro Family," that was the correct word in those days, "The Negro Family: The Case for National Action", Moynihan, whom I, you no doubt knew, a Harvard man himself, spoke of, quote, "A massive deterioration in the fabric of society right under our prosperous noses." What had him concerned in 1965 was an illegitimacy rate among African Americans of 25%. Today, the illegitimacy rate among white Americans is more than 30% among Hispanic Americans, more than 50%, and among African Americans, more than 70%. And Harvey tells us that in the eyes of Tocqueville family is necessary for self-government. How much trouble are we in?
Harvey Mansfield: Right, I know. Well, yeah, let's see. From the standpoint of Tocqueville. Religion is not just a value; it's a higher value. It's something that makes you look to a power, which is above, which is stronger than you are. But religion is also within the realm of what he called civil society. It's not the work of government. So strongly as he believed that religion is a political institution, he also believed in the separation of church and state. America got started through theocracy really of Puritans, but that had to be corrected in the American Revolution at about that time. And most of the colonies abolished, established religion and instituted them, what amounted to separation of church and state. So it's more, it's not so much worship that he worries about or that he thinks will bring, bring republics and democracies, make them stronger, it's about what you think. The real danger for democracy intellectually is materialism. Democracy has a tendency toward materialism because people, having no authority over them, look around and find nothing and satisfy themselves with petty pleasures and immediate gratifications.
Harvey Mansfield: Yeah . And those are, immediate pleasures are material, for the most part. And those material pleasures can lead you out of your political interest or concern into the sense that you are the victim of series of vast impersonal forces, which you can't do anything about. In a democracy, you feel, "Yes, I'm free. But I'm one among so many that I'm also weak." So materialism accentuates your sense of being weak. It tells you you are determined by causes other than yourself. So to combat that, you need a sense of what is spiritual. And so one can make a general sort of category of spiritual versus material. And we need spiritual for the sake of our self-control. So it's complicated. You have to think that there is an authority above yourself, but it's something that you accept for yourself and understand as something which gives you a sense of control over your future and your country's control over your future. So a sense of self-control is necessary for the health of self-government. And self-control comes with religion, the sort of self-appointed authority over yourself. So it's not so much a loss of piety that he's worried about, but a loss of the, among intellectuals, the loss of a sense of wholeness that can arise from putting yourself in God's place. God is above us, and He generalizes, and He also particularizes. Our politics, however, do one or the other. We generalize, we treat men as roughly similar, if not perfectly equal. That's democracy. Or particular rise, that's oligarchy or aristocracy. Certain people, the few, are more important, more interesting, more powerful than the others and that somehow deserves to be respected and rewarded. So your political thinking is much improved by any, doesn't require success, but any step in the direction of a divine point of view. So this is, I think, his view of, kind of an intellectualist view of religion. And that is what is lost as well now. 2351a5e196
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