Research

This paper examines how the Republican Party (GOP) combines economic conservatism with religious values to build and maintain its coalition, particularly in contexts of high income inequality. The central hypothesis is that the GOP addresses resistance to low-tax economic policies by bundling them with religious appeals, thereby gaining support from voters who prioritize cultural and moral values, such as White Evangelicals. Utilizing text data from U.S. congressional speeches, I document a significant rise in the GOP's use of religious rhetoric, such as the term "God," since the 1990s, coinciding with increasing economic inequality and a widening ideological divide with the Democratic Party. By linking these rhetorical trends to legislators' donation data and voting records, I find that religious rhetoric is closely associated with economic conservatism, especially in high-inequality states. Moreover, roll-call voting data reveal that legislators who vote more conservatively on economic issues also align with religious and cultural conservatism, reinforcing the connection between these dimensions. Further analysis of voter behavior shows that this bundling strategy effectively increases support from White Evangelicals and other religious voters, even among those who might otherwise resist the GOP's economic agenda. These findings highlight how the GOP integrates economic and cultural appeals to maintain a cohesive coalition in an era of rising inequality. 

Religious communities have long played a vital role in providing public goods and fostering social capital. This paper examines how natural disasters influence U.S. church membership and the broader religious landscape. Using a dataset on the expected annualized frequency and economic losses of disasters, I show that counties with higher disaster risks, particularly from tornadoes and storms, have a larger share of Evangelical adherents compared to Mainline Protestants. Leveraging historical data on disaster activity from 1955 to 2020, I find that increased disaster exposure is closely linked to growth in Evangelical membership, while Mainline congregations show limited or negative responses. To explore these dynamics further, I analyze yearly reports from the Presbyterian Church in America (PCA) and the Presbyterian Church (USA) (PCUSA) from 2000 to 2023, representing the Evangelical and Mainline branches of Presbyterianism, respectively. My results reveal that in response to severe disasters, PCA congregations significantly increase disaster aid expenditures, followed by sustained growth in membership, particularly in high-poverty counties. In contrast, PCUSA congregations show no significant changes in aid provision and experience declines in membership over time. These findings underscore the distinct organizational responses of Evangelical and Mainline denominations to disaster events. 

This paper investigates the cultural origins of son preference in China. I hypothesize that Confucianism, with its emphasis on filial piety and male lineage, may have contributed to the persistent preference for sons. To test this hypothesis, I use a unique dataset of the number of Confucian academies at county level from 725 to 1908, normalized by the 1953 population at each county, and examine its relationship with sex ratio at birth at county level in 2020. My results suggest a strong positive correlation between the two, providing evidence that Confucianism may have played a role in shaping son preference in China. My results are further confirmed by exploiting both the distance of a county from Zhu Xi academies and a quota system which was introduced in 1425 by Emperor Yongle to restrict the number of presented scholars from each prefecture.