The townspeople of South Park are in a panic late one night when they discover that a cartoon is going to show an episode featuring Muhammad as a character. Everyone hides in the Community Center for fear of an Islamic terrorist attack and Randy announces that the cartoon is Family Guy. The next morning, everyone is thrilled to find out that there was no attack and that Fox censored the image of Muhammad at the last minute.

Part I of "Cartoon Wars" begins with Y2K-style pandemonium breaking loose, as South Park natives loot stores and hoard toilet paper before crowding into a community center. It turns out the Fox cartoon Family Guy is set to air an image of Muhammad, sparking riots across the Muslim world and leading a terrorist named al-Zawahri to vow swift retaliation. But at the last minute, Fox censors the Muhammad image, thus averting a showdown.


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Cartman and Kyle are at war over the popular cartoon, "Family Guy". When the creators of the show announce that they will show the image of a religious symbol, the network threatens to ban the episode. Cartman sees this as his chance to get "Family Guy" off the air for good. The two boys embark upon a mad chase across the country and the fate of "Family Guy" lies with whichever boy reaches Hollywood first.[1]

Throughout the Middle East, state-controlled newspapers regularly depict Jews and Israeli leaders in despicable, stereotypical and anti-Semitic caricatures. These cartoons show Jews with hooked noses; Stars of David morphing into swastikas; Palestinian and Arab blood drips from Jewish hands and Jews are blamed for creating AIDS. Neither those newspapers, nor Arab embassies have been attacked by Jewish mobs.

When a Danish newspaper publishes several political cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad, riots ensue and the artists and newspaper receive death threats. When newspapers in France and Germany courageously (and unexpectedly) reprint the cartoons as a demonstration of their right to free speech, further demonstrations occur and threats are made against those newspapers.

The world-renowned cartoonist, Ranan Lurie, tells me of a meeting he had on Feb. 27, 1997, with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. Mubarak introduced Lurie to the publisher of Al- Ahram, the most widely read newspaper in the Arab world. Lurie signed a contract to provide his cartoons to the newspaper. He compares the publication of his cartoons in Al-Ahram to an American conservative cartoonist getting a front-page spot in the Soviet newspaper Pravda during the Cold War.

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"Freedom of speech is at stake here, don't you all see? If anything, we should all make cartoons of Mohammed, and show the terrorists and the extremists that we are all united in the belief that every person has a right to say what they want! Look, people, it's been real easy for us to stand up for free speech lately. For the past few decades we haven't had to risk anything to defend it. But those times are going to come! And one of those times is right now. And if we aren't willing to risk what we have, then we just believe in free speech, but we don't defend it!"

The episode was inspired by the uproar over a Danish newspaper's publication of cartoons depicting the prophet, Mohammed, and the knee-jerk self-censorship it inspired in the West. Matt and Trey's stance, portrayed quite elegantly in this two-parter, is that while Muslims are certainly entitled to believe whatever they want, trying to intimidate the rest of the world into doing the same infringes on free expression. Even worse, bowing to such threats is the lowest form of moral cowardice.

Bosch Fawstin (second from left), the cartoonist who won the Muhammad Art Exhibit and Contest in Garland, Texas this week, is presented with his prize by (from left to right) Robert Spencer, Geert Wilders and Pamela Geller. (Image source: Atlas Shrugs blog)

One might still get the support of those who cherish free speech if one were accidentally to publish a cartoon of Mohammed, but not if you did so deliberately, and in full knowledge of the consequences. But of course, it is precisely after facing the consequences of challenging these would-be censors that it is most important to keep on challenging them, so that people with Kalashnikov rifles do not make our customs and laws.

Then there is the other only-occasionally-spoken-about supplementary issue, which may well be at the root of the difference between the assaults in Europe and the response to the attempted Texas assault. The January massacre at the satirical French magazine Charlie Hebdo undoubtedly woke up a portion of the general public in the West because the victims were cartoonists and editors at a "left-wing" magazine. That is, Charlie Hebdo stood for a type of robust secular, anti-establishment type of French politics, which a portion of the left worldwide could recognize as its own.

This stands in contrast to the comparative lack of solidarity after threats to the Danish newspaper, Jyllands-Posten, in the wake of the 2005 Mohammed cartoons affair. To varying degrees, Jyllands-Posten was described as a "conservative" paper. In this context, unsure whether "conservative" meant anything from "establishment" all the way to "racist," there was often suspected to be some dark, ulterior motive for publishing cartoons of the founder of Islam.

The organizers at the American Freedom Defense Initiative (AFDI), Pamela Geller and Robert Spencer, are not left-wing journalists but conservative activists; and because the Dutch politician Geert Wilders spoke at the opening of the exhibition, that added a layer of complexity for people who like labeling actions with political valences, rather than just seeing actions as apart from them. It seems clear, however, from the pattern of condemnations on one side and silence on the other, that a cartoonist may be worthy of defense if he is associated with a left-wing organization, but not if he is associated with a right-wing one.

Of course, this idea goes to one of the false presumptions of our time: that people on the political left are motivated by good intentions even when they do bad things, while people on the political right are motivated by bad intentions even when they do good things. So a cartoon promoted by Charlie Hebdo may be thought to be provocative in a constructive way, whereas one promoted by AFDI can only be thought if as being provocative in an unconstructive way. Whether people are willing to admit it or not, this is one of the main problems that underlies the reaction to the Texas attack.

Thank you Carl for telling the sad TRUTH --- "The Day of Reckoning IS COMING" and Liberal Jews will not be spared, neither will they receive any thank you letters letters from the "Religion Of Peace". How strange that a few silly cartoons get more publicity than the thousands of beheaded Christians. Keep up the good work.

The cartoons, but particularly the winning cartoon, should be plastered on the front pages of newspapers all over America. Make a laughing stock of the jihadis, and give them so many targets--hopefully, hundreds--that they will be shocked and helpless.

"Cartoon Wars Part I & II" is inspired by the Jyllands-Posten Muhammed cartoons controversy, in which a Danish newspaper published cartoons featuring Muhammed in 2005, sparking protests across the globe and even violence and riots in places like Benghazi. The episode, which aired in 2006, was initially set to be the first episode of the season. However, South Park creators got into a feud with Comedy Central over depicting Muhammed, so they pushed the episode back.

Thanks to the printing press, the confessional wars of the Reformation become the first testing ground for political and religious memes. Europe is awash with cartoons of ridicule and (literal) demonisation. Here are a couple of examples.

This, then, is the approach taken here: to rework the liberal theory of free expression from within, supplementing it with heretofore unappreciated resources of liberal theory and adding in elements of both critical theory and phenomenology. The first half of the article contextualizes the cartoon war before it develops a critique of liberalism as a frame that allocates the recognition of harm unequally. The second half focuses on the creative instability embedded in the liberal theory of free expression in order to propose another framing. I conclude with some remarks on liberalism and the future of free speech.

Although the cartoon war touched on more than sketched here, comments like these show how perceptions of harmful speech set the parameters for law and public culture within and across social divides. The parameters are never uniform in nature, something that was especially evident in the Danish case: Whereas a majority of Muslims saw the harm provoked by the Jyllands-Posten cartoons as a reason for regulating speech through law, the opposite could be said of constituents committed to values promoted by especially the DPP. Such contested, multiple perspectives challenge the liberal theory of free expression, which aims to be universally inclusive and above the fray. For these reasons, it may fail to appeal to constituents who do not share its framing of harm, law and free speech. Perhaps the question is not if liberalism frames harm unequally, but rather how and with what consequences for issues of contestation, intelligibility and recognition.

In other words, while the approach taken here may seem to parallel the one of Mahmood, who also includes affect in the analysis of the cartoon war, I seek to challenge her claim that liberalism is devoid of affect. That is, I seek to avoid the bifurcation of harm and law that limits Mahmood's analysis. For a similar critique of Mahmood, see Butler (2009b, p. 124). ff782bc1db

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