According to some scholars, it is possible that two usurpers actually existed: a Marcus Aurelius Julianus, corrector in Italy, rebelled after Carus' death, with the control of Pannonia, and defeated in Illyricum; and a Sabinus Julianus, praetorian prefect, usurper in Italy after Numerian's death, defeated near Verona.[6]

Dr. Vasso Vergis, a chemist in his 60s, has lived in "exile" in Athenssince Italy in 1912 grabbed the Greek-populated Dodecanese Islands,including the tiny one he lived on. Last week Dr. Vergis and 15comrades who felt as he did about the Italian usurpers set out on aventure that would have appealed to Ulysses. They boarded a motorboatat the Greek isle of Samos, just off the Turkish coast, and chuggedthrough the night to Gaidaro, one of the islands of the Italianarchipelago. Landing secretly, they surprised a police station,captured the chief and three of his... To continue reading: responsiveAd({className: "subscribe-link",ads: [{type: "desktop",size: "142x70",cm: { position: "subscribebtn", type: "text"}},{type: "tablet",size: "142x70",cm: { position: "subscribebtn", type: "text"}},{// Mobile 300type: "mobile",size: "142x70",config: {zone: "219200",site: "28275",size_x: "142", size_y: "70",type: "-1"}}]}); or Log-In


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This silver skull pendant depicts the crowned skull of the conquering king. On the back, his throne is adorned with the skull of the previous ruler - a warning to other aspiring usurpers. The mens skull necklace should be worn as a symbol of your dedication to your crusade in life, whatever it may be, and that you plan to "take the crown, or die trying."

The story of this principality includes a Napoleon invasion and a 20th-century usurper who was neither Spanish nor French \u2014 his name was Boris Skossyreff, from Russia. I kid you not: there was a Russian King of Andorra. The Spanish Guardia Civil entered the principality at the request of the bishop (who very much enjoyed being prince) and expelled the Russian. Boris ended up in Algarve, as people do.

Salutati rounds off his treatise by applying his argument to the caseof Caesar. He purports to prove (in a highly polemical refutation ofCicero) that Caesar was not a usurper, but instead held legitimateoffice authorized by the Roman people. Indeed, Salutati maintains thatif Caesar seemed to behave tyrannically, it was because the tumultuouscondition of the times called for such conduct. Caesar is to bepraised as the savior of Rome, not condemned as a tyrant.Consequently, it was entirely wrong for private citizens to slayCaesar, since he had not usurped public power. Moreover, to the extentthat he was serving the common good, the Romans as a people had nolegitimate warrant to remove him from office. Salutati thusapproaches, if he does not explicitly endorse, a conception ofbenevolent despotism that challenges the usual bases fordistinguishing between king and tyrant.

Galla Placidia, daughter of Theodosius I, half-sister of Arcadius and Honorius, wife of Constantius III, and mother of Valentinian III, spent much of her life on the move, living across the Roman empire of late antiquity from Barcelona to Istanbul. In nearly every instance her moves were the results of political circumstances she did not instigate but which she soon had under control. In the climax of Olympiodorus of Thebes' history we are told that Theodosius II, her nephew, sent Galla Placidia and the child Valentinian back to the West, from which they had been exiled, together with an army to defeat the usurper John, who had taken control of the western empire. While Olympiodorus attributes the initiative for this action to Theodosius, this paper argues that Galla Placidia's agency in taking advantage of John's usurpation to orchestrate her return to Italy should not be underestimated.

We may turn next to the Greek historical and chronographical tradition. Socrates has Theodosius send a force to Salona after he heard news of Honorius' death but before he made it public, in case there was revolutionary unrest. Then we are told that John requested recognition from Constantinople. Theodosius not only refused, but sent Ardabur, the magister utriusque militiae, (28) to Salona (did he merely meet the forces that were already in Salona or did he supplement them with extra soldiers?) and on to Aquileia. However, he was captured due to bad weather and held as a bargaining chip. John's hand was supposedly strengthened by the arrival of barbarian troops such that Aspar, Ardabur's son, (29) did not know what to do. By some miraculous intervention, according to Socrates, Aspar's army reached Ravenna and captured the unsuspecting city. (30) Then Theodosius, after going to church in Constantinople in thanksgiving, decided that Valentinian should be emperor and made him Caesar and sent him and his mother back to the West, entrusting her to administer the empire there. (31) He travelled himself to proclaim his cousin and warn the westerners against entertaining further usurpers, but illness prevented him going beyond Thessaloniki. Instead, he entrusted the crown [phrase omitted] to Helion, the patricius, (32) There is certainly no indication in Socrates of any agency exercised by Galla Placidia in this matter.

In Marcellinus, writing in the sixth century, all we are told is that between 423 and 424, after the death of Honorius, Galla Placidia was proclaimed Augusta, Valentinian was made Caesar and engaged to Licinia Euxodia (daughter of Theodosius II), (39) John was a usurper, that he was killed by the treachery rather than the bravery of Ardabur and Aspar, and that Valentinian was made emperor at Ravenna (not at Rome). (40)

The chronographer Theophanes, who died early in the ninth century, states that when John the usurper was killed Theodosius sent Valentinian, whom he had appointed Caesar to the West with his mother and with Helion, the patricius, to establish his rule. (43) Later, however, it is apparent that Theophanes has confused or conflated John the usurper with John the Vandal. (44)

What can we make of Olympiodorus' evidence that the inauguration of Valentinian III as emperor took place in Rome rather than in Constantinople. As Andrew Gillett has shown, even though western emperors no longer resided permanently in Rome, they had not abandoned it as much as we may be inclined to think. (60) Valentinian would spend even more time in Rome than had his uncle Honorius. (61) Johannes Wienand has observed that the celebration of a triumph in Rome not only against external enemies but against internal usurpers was important. (62) While Michael McCormick says that Honorius' triumph in 416 against Attalus was the "last recorded triumphal observances of a Roman emperor in the ancient capital." (63) However, he goes on almost immediately to state that the entry of Valentinian to Rome in 425 was "the last recorded victory celebration of the western Roman empire". (64) No doubt, as had occurred under Honorius, the arrival of Valentinian into Rome as part triumph and part aduentus. The coinage of Valentinian III from this time proclaimed victory, so part of the reason for coming to Rome would have been to celebrate the defeat of John. (65)

The French people, too, showed their hatred of Nazism by helping to oust the invader. But no elections have yet been held in France. A usurper, General de Gaulle, has proclaimed himself leader of the French people, with Allied backing. Despite the aspirations of the people which he voiced prior to returning to France, such as expropriation of the monopolies and greater representation of labor, these have been unfulfilled, the Nazi-collaborators have not been wiped out, and France continues through him the exploitation of 10,000,000 colonial Arabs.

The annals of England show that Leo had many relations with that country, and its saintly King Edward. He dispensed the king from a vow which he had taken to make a pilgrimage to Rome, on condition that he give alms to the poor, and endow a monastery in honour of St. Peter. Leo also authorized the translation of the See of Crediton to Exeter, and forbade the consecration of the unworthy Abbot of Abingdon (Spearhafor) as Bishop of London. Throughout the troubles which Robert of Jumiges, Archbishop of Canterbury, had with the family of Earl Godwin, he received the support of the pope, who sent him the pallium and condemned Stigand, the usurper of his see (1053?). King Macbeth, the supposed murderer of Duncan, whom Shakespeare has immortalized, is believed to have visited Rome during Leo's pontificate, and may be thought to have exposed the needs of his soul to that tender father. After the battle of Civitella Leo never recovered his spirits. Seized at length with a mortal illness, he caused himself to be carried to Rome (March, 1054), where he died a most edifying death. He was buried in St. Peter's, was a worker of miracles both in life and in death, and found a place in the Roman Martyrology. be457b7860

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