Identity is complex, multifaceted, and individuated. Before discussing identity in broad, overarching terms, or introducing models and frameworks about identity to outline how it can be conceptualized as a value system, it is necessary to preface that not every individual’s lived experiences will align with the assertions made. Within Psychology, there are multiple perspectives that contribute to understanding identity. From a Social Psychology perspective, identity is shaped by group dynamics, social roles, and the influence of societal norms on self-concept and behavior. This perspective examines how individuals categorize themselves and others, highlighting the impact of in-group and out-group affiliations on identity formation (e.g., Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Community psychology offers a community-oriented approach, where identity is understood in relation to collective well-being, social empowerment, and the structural factors that influence marginalized identities (Prilleltensky, 2003). This perspective emphasizes the importance of social networks, activism, and resilience in shaping identity, particularly within historically oppressed communities. Cultural psychology offers a value-focused approach, examining how cultural beliefs, traditions, and socialization practices shape individuals and their psychology (Shweder, 1995). This perspective highlights the ways in which individual and collective identity are influenced by cultural narratives, emphasizing differences between individualistic and collectivist identity constructs. Collectivist cultures, as opposed to individualist cultures, place increased value on the mental states of others and maintaining social harmony (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). As cultural values are transmitted through the process of socialization, the values placed on social interactions influence individual development, as each individual human is part of a social group (Greenfield, 2014). The relationship between the individual and group, where the group is prioritized, is typical of collectivist societies and can influence how identity is conceptualized (e.g., inherently in relation to others vs. a label). Together, these Psychological frameworks already provide a multidimensional understanding of identity within a singular field, allowing for an analysis that incorporates both personal experiences and larger societal structures. 

Intersectionality, introduced by Crenshaw (1989; about Black women), is an important dimension to consider in identity research to highlight how multiple social categories (race, gender, disability, sexuality) intersect to create unique experiences of oppression and privilege. The concept of “double jeopardy” (originally conceptualized as “double whammy”), where an individual has multiple minoritized identities, increases the risk of adverse effects due to one’s identity group memberships (e.g., being black and female, Beal, 2008; Epstein, 1973; Reid, 1984). This includes partial social invisibility in regard to categorical group membership(s) through having more than one marginalized identity due to not matching the prototypical membership of either/any single marginalized identity group (see Purdie-Vaughns & Eibach, 2008). Those with a higher privileged social identity status are more commonly in the place of power to make systemic decisions than those with lower privileged social identity status. This becomes a serious (and complex) challenge for researchers who are in a place of power to make assertions and conclusions about populations. The following background information will assume a Cultural Psychology perspective to review theories related to identity as it is a cultural value system, highlighting contributing theories drawn from Philosophy.

Transformative experiences, defined by Paul (2014), are experiences that change the individual epistemically and personally; in that, the individual has an epistemically new experience and that experience changes the individual fundamentally in some way that would affect their values and they cannot revert back to their original state of being (across identity/self-concept, knowledge, and understanding of the world). Paul uses becoming a parent as a primary example of a transformative experience. An individual does not know what it is like, epistemically, to be a parent until they become a parent. This allows contemplation of the role of lived experience in identity formation. The following discussion combines identity development models with philosophical concepts to set up the argument that individuals (regardless of, but influenced by, self-concept and identity) are faced with the choice to either perform as expected within society, or go against that expectation. Transformative experiences serve to point out that undergoing certain experiences changes one’s value system, similar to following the stages of identity development. But, an individual doesn’t fully know what it’s like to live in an alternative social role with an alternative identity until they have done so. Those who are faced with the options of living within expected social norms vs. outside of them (and choosing to live outside of them) will acquire a new value system that embraces non-normativity, therefore being classified as a transformative experience. 

Normative decision theory, according to Paul (2014), does not include the transformative nature of decisions concerning whether or not to undergo a transformative experience because the value system the individual relies on to rationally choose the outcome with the highest subjective value will be changed through experiencing that outcome. Such as, preferring to live according to social norms and expectations will be changed after developing an identity that is outside of social norms and expectations (e.g., being queer or disabled). Paul discusses how the individual cannot accurately assign a subjective value to the lived outcome of a transformative decision until living through it (e.g., how important it is to be a parent until the individual has become one). Callard (2018) introduces “aspiration” as the process of deciding along a path that will change who an individual is by gradually, and intentionally, acquiring a new value system. Aspiration is particularly relevant to identity development, as the initial label associated with being any particular way of being is not personally transformative – yet. To illustrate this point, late-onset disability and disability identity development works well. This can also parallel “coming out” as LGBTQ+. The value system an individual acquires through becoming disabled does not happen at the moment of acquiring the disability. Throughout the process of disability identity development, the individual’s value system gradually changes. This is an individuated psychological process that is socially embedded. Similarly, as Callard introduces, becoming a mother does not occur at a precise moment (e.g., at the moment of conception, at the moment of knowing one is pregnant, or even at the moment of birth). The fully lived identity of “mother,” or “parent,” changes with the age of the child as well (e.g., mother of a newborn is subjectively different from mother of a teenager, or mother of an adult child who has moved away from home). Parallel with disability, identifying as “disabled” can be subjectively different from the moment one becomes disabled, to living as a disabled person for an extended number of years, to the disability worsening with age or illness progression. The psychological process of accepting that you have a disability takes time and can evolve. Beyond simple acceptance, identity development involves acculturation, from which the individual must immerse themselves into the community. Aspiration drives acculturation into their identity group as individuals incorporate values from the community, modeling roles held by peers and adults within that community.

Disability Identity Development and Aspiration

Jenifer Gibson’s (2006) Disability Identity Development Model (DIDM) is one prevalent example of how disability identity develops. While this model is stated to include disabilities present since birth, it predominantly addresses disability identity development as if the individual has a later onset of disability. The first of three stages of the DIDM, Passive Awareness, is when the individual starts to become aware of themselves having a disability; this is when negative views of the disability and of themselves are most salient. For the present purpose, it is important to note that merely by reaching this first stage, the individual has altered their sense of self – the individual no longer can identify fully as an able-bodied person. It also serves to highlight how this stage exists due to the mainstream cultural value of being able-bodied. The Passive Awareness stage of the DIDM implicitly excludes people who do not recognize that they have a disability. For example, twisting your ankle, as many able-bodied people have done at some point in their lives, does not inherently alter your personal and social identity of someone who does not have a hurt ankle. You continue to view yourself throughout the healing process as someone who can walk without pain, or a limp, or requiring an Ace bandage because you will achieve that again soon. Twisting your ankle does not launch you on this journey of disability identity development because, generally, having a temporary “disability” is not considered to be “having a disability” because it will cause you to modify your life for the foreseeable future. Even with losing the ability to walk, a limb, to see, to hear, or any other normative human function, the permanent nature may not be salient to the individual until it persists long enough to impact their prospective everyday functioning. Only then, the individual will begin to recognize their impairment as a disability. At this point, the fundamental nature of acquiring their disability will become a transformative experience, launching them into acquiring a new or modifying their previous value system. The following stages of the DIDM demonstrate how the individual does that through changing their behaviors and cognitions surrounding their disability, and critically through community involvement. 

Cultivating a Disability Identity-Related Value System

As the individual undergoes the second stage of the DIDM, Realization, they develop socially as someone with a disability. They may experience self-hate and/or a “superhuman” complex to deal with anger of not fitting in with their non-disabled peers. In this stage, the individual realizes that the ways in which they could previously participate in activities are no longer an option. The final stage, Acceptance, is where the person will begin to boost their self-esteem by associating with others with disabilities and view themselves as equal (in worth and contribution) to their able-bodied peers. This Acceptance stage defines “acceptance” in a positive sense: The individual has a sense of pride in their disability and does not view themselves negatively purely because they have a disability. As opposed to the Realization stage’s superhuman complex, the Acceptance stage’s positive orientation toward disability involves a true recognition of how the individual’s disability is an impairment in their everyday lives, with the dominant view being that their disability is a subjectively good – important – component of who the individual is. 

Identifying yourself as disabled can exist as a negative identity aligning with a value system that views disability as undesirable. One can view themselves as disabled and associate their disability with a sense of shame, or view it as a flawed aspect of themselves because they are unable to perform according to societal expectations. Alternatively, a positive acceptance of your disability does not mean you view your disability as “easy” or “not a burden,” but rather recognize that having a disability is an important aspect of your social and personal identity and can be a source of community and pride. This is noted by Gobbo and Shmulsky (2016) to be an essential shift from the ideologies of the medical model of disability to the ideologies of the social model of disability. The medical model views disability as a defective aspect of the individual that should seek to be cured (i.e., to get back to normative functioning). The social model views disability as an aspect of the individual that is only disabling when the individual is not given proper accommodations within their environment (e.g., a Deaf person not having access to visual information, or a wheelchair user confronted with only stairs and no elevator). The medical model of disability inevitably fails when the individual continues to aspire towards their previous able-bodied identity and cannot find some sort of “cure.” They will never be like their able-bodied peers, and this is a distressing realization that motivates seeking a positive and accepting environment (Gobbo & Shmulsky, 2016; Goering, 2015). 

Aspiring Towards a Positive Disability Identity. The social model of disability offers the individual a way to aspire towards a psychological state that does not include the burden of chasing after medical treatments and places the “blame” of being disabled on society’s lack of accessibility. This shift occurs during the earlier stages of (positive) disability identity development. At first, the individual is presented with a new set of options to aspire towards (regaining an able-bodied identity and performing according to social norms and expectation vs. developing a disability-orientated identity and embracing non-normative functioning; referring to Callard’s [2018] A, B choice options). Each subsequent decision in relation to their disability (e.g., accepting or rejecting medical interventions) transforms their identity in some way. The individual will either seek to regain their previous able-bodied identity through medical interventions or reject medical interventions as they embrace their new and developing disability identity. This seemingly “yes or no” (A, B) decision of undergoing/pursuing medical intervention or not will either align with values of normative functioning or set them on a path of dismissing that value. If the individual aspires to regain their able-bodied identity and normative functioning, they will undergo medical treatments and procedures that will affirm their values of social normativity. If the individual aspires to develop a disability identity, they will then progress through the stages by embracing the social model of disability ideology and acquiring a set of values that hold their disability as an integral part of their social and personal identity. Disability gives the individual opportunities to engage in otherwise inaccessible functions specifically because they are disabled (e.g., enhanced or modified sensory experiences). For an example reported within literature on Deaf culture, Deaf Gain is a primary example of how an objective disability (not being able to hear) allows an individual access to a new visual language, a community, a culture, and primary identity (Bauman & Murray, 2014). 

Generally, each disability-specific community offers similar positive additions to their members’ lives. Aspiration relies on the individual having a choice in the cultivation of their identity; the individual must choose (A, B), and adaptive preferences state that, for the sake of survival, the individual is forced to psychologically adapt to A (or B). The main argument here is that disabled individuals cultivate their disability identity through aspiration and this type of identity development can be classified as a transformative experience because these individuals acquire a new value system centered around embracing abilities and expressions that deviate from societal norms and expectations. There is still a choice to adhere and chase after normative functioning (per dominant cultural values), but to achieve a positive disability identity, they would have undergone disability identity development and this process acculturates them into the disability community, thereby obtaining a new value system that has a positive orientation to their disability. Again, this may coexist with realistic views of how their disability has a negative impact on their physical, social, and mental health, but they would still be able to exhibit pride in the fact they have a disability and now belong within the disability community.

Parallel to Positive Queer Identity Development. Applying this to queer identity will make this philosophical argument more relevant to identity expression, development models, and the present investigation’s conceptualization of identity as a value system. Cisgender and heterosexual social roles are the most openly available models for individuals to copy. One critical component of identity development Gibson (2006) does not emphasize is the role of community involvement. Immersing oneself in the community one aspires to become a member of allows them to view alternative social roles, and functions they can embody. Lave and Wanger (1991) argue that identity development is situated with the involvement and membership in the given community, and the participation in community activities (growing from peripheral participation to active participation) reflects progress in their identity development. This is still essential for disability identity development, but also can be discussed with queer identity development here. 

Growing up, exposed to cishet ideals, social scripts, goals, and expectations, individuals have the option to align themselves with this or aspire toward a different identity conception (e.g., being gender nonconforming or non-heterosexual). Queer individuals can stay “in the closet,” not tell anyone about their differing gender and sexuality, and live according to prescriptive cisgender and heterosexual social norms. Or, they can come out and defy cisgender and heterosexual norms, being unable to fit with the normative social roles and ideals they were raised to live within, and negotiate a new value system that embraces living outside of social norms and expectations. Aspiration toward the second option, here, would launch the individual into developing a queer (in a broad, all encompassing sense) identity. They would need to seek out the necessary experiences and spaces to experiment, acquire, and affirm their queer identity (e.g., LGBTQ+ cafes; drag shows; involvement in ballroom culture). Similar to Lave and Wenger’s (1991) peripheral participation explanation, the experimentation and acquisition of identity slowly shifts one from being an outsider of the community acculturating into being a community member. By framing marginalized identities such as queer and disability identity in these terms, it contributes to respecting the agency of the individual and recognizes that their lived experiences, in combination with their active group membership, contributes to acquiring different value systems due to undergoing identity development. It frames their identity in a holistic view, rather than deviations from normative ideals.

Developing one’s identity involves living and experimenting with it as a social role and a way of expressing values in a given community/culture. Erik Erikson’s (1968) psychosocial development model spans eight stages across the human lifespan. Disability identity development, theorized by Gibson (2006) and Buggie-Hunt (2007), parallels Erikson’s model but focuses on the individual’s sense of self within the context of their disability. Both disability and queer identity development align most closely with Erikson’s fifth stage, Identity vs. Role Confusion, which involves adolescents (ages 12-18) exploring their values, beliefs, and goals to form a future-oriented sense of self. Failure to develop this clarity may result in an identity crisis, characterized by experimentation with various roles, and external pressure may foster negative identities (see also McLeod, 2018).

Psychosocial disability and queer identity development similarly relies on forming a positive self-image through exploring values, beliefs, and roles within a society. Community involvement plays a crucial role in helping individuals adapt their existing identity to their non-normative body or desires, embracing new values that defy the societal norms they are most frequently exposed to. The philosophical concept of aspiration highlights the choices individuals face in adhering to or resisting societal expectations. Being raised within normative activity settings shapes views of deviation as undesirable. Living as a proud disabled or queer person requires adopting a value system that celebrates non-normativity. Through community participation, individuals experiment with options modeled by others and express pride in their identity by embodying values that deviate from normative social roles. The following section reviews how negative societal messages about queerness and disability are conveyed in mainstream media.

Within a developmental niche (e.g., Super and Harkness, 1986), values are transmitted to the individuals from multiple ecological layers. There is an interactive component where the individual can influence the traditions and values held within their community/culture as their community shapes their development. Within social roles, we are raised to become what is expected within society. With gender, girls are pushed into different activity settings than boys to learn female-related values, practices, behaviors, and acculturate into womanhood. Boys are similarly pushed into activity settings that are tailored toward acculturating into manhood. Activity settings are any cultural activities children regularly engage in, and they include values and goals that are culturally relevant (Weisner, 2002). With parental modeling, kids are raised to model specific social roles, which as they engage in those behaviors, they acquire specific cultural values. Additionally, the discrepancies between being raised into a certain social role over another (and what those social roles entail) communicate broader cultural values and messages about the social role, and role one will play within the community. For example, the value of being a man vs. a woman, and that binary genders are the primary desired options to identify as. The activity settings in which children learn about gender norms transmit what those social roles should value (e.g., girls playing with dolls, playing “house,” dressing up with makeup, and preparing for family-building). 

This can parallel implicitly communicated values about disability and being able-bodied. Non-disabled children are encouraged to be able-bodied, run around, avoid injuries, and keep their body healthy. Parents can explicitly transmit values of able-bodiedness through saying how grateful they are that their child does not have a long-term, disabling condition or illness, too. A sociocultural push towards future independence (via teaching the skills needed and instilling the goal to function independently) conveys that, eventually, all children will grow up to be normatively functioning adults. There are minimal exceptions displayed in society for an alternative (positive, viable) path to follow. Even when there are, the less frequent exposure to them acts as Lave and Wenger’s (1991) peripheral participation, where individuals are at a unique place looking into a community while not yet being a member. Children in particular don’t often have the ability to self-acculturate into full participation in alternative activity settings where their disability (or other marginalized identity) is valued and celebrated. While having disability doesn’t quite involve a choice in of itself, it does serve to show how most activity settings are designed for able-bodied and neurotypical children, and those who cannot participate in these activity settings, do not readily have alternatives to cultivate a disabled identity within. They are also still exposed to the same values of being able-bodied and generalized expectations that everyone will develop into normative social roles and functioning. 

Intersectionality has played a crucial role in LGBTQ+ Pride movements, highlighting the ways race, class, and disability intersect with queerness. Black and Latinx trans women, including Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera, were key figures in early LGBTQ+ activism, yet mainstream Pride celebrations have often excluded or minimized their contributions (Stryker, 2008). Additionally, the fight for disability inclusion within Pride events has gained traction, advocating for accessible spaces and the recognition of disabled queer individuals’ experiences, backed by qualitative reports calling for more accessibility (Lamba et al., 2023). The disability rights movement has long intersected with LGBTQ+ activism, as both communities have fought for visibility, autonomy, and equal rights. Activists such as Judy Heumann and the organizers of the 504 Sit-in in 1977 paved the way for major legislative victories, including passing the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) of 1990 (Shapiro, 1993). Similar to LGBTQ+ activism, the disability rights movement has challenged medicalized and pathologizing views of identity, advocating for self-determination and accessibility. The push for fully inclusive Pride events reflects the shared struggle for public space, representation, and rights among disabled and queer communities. Disability activists within the LGBTQ+ movement continue to highlight the need for intersectional advocacy, ensuring that Pride events and policies reflect the needs of all members of the community.

Despite progress, marginalized spaces are not always safe and can be invaded to dispel collective action. Anti-LGBTQ+ backlash against Pride events, corporate co-optation, and the presence of police in Pride spaces have led to ongoing debates about the purpose and inclusivity of Pride (Russell, 2019). These tensions reflect broader struggles over who is represented in LGBTQ+ activism and how queer (and disability) communities navigate visibility in hostile environments. These power dynamics also contribute to how marginalized communities enact differing behavioral norms than what mainstream society values. Overarchingly, the intertwined and parallel histories of both communities offer the opportunity to make comparisons about identity development, community involvement, and the alternative (to mainstream society) values both communities hold.

Identity expression is often shaped by the context in which an individual finds themselves, leading to a negotiation between visibility and concealment. While some identities are outwardly visible through physical traits, clothing, or behavior, others are selectively disclosed depending on safety, acceptance, and social dynamics. Goffman’s (1963) concept of “passing” describes how individuals may suppress or modify aspects of their identity to conform to societal expectations. This phenomenon is especially relevant to LGBTQ+ individuals, neurodivergent people, and those with invisible disabilities, who may engage in masking behaviors to avoid discrimination or social exclusion (DeJordy, 2008). The psychological effects of identity suppression are well documented, suggesting that concealing one’s identity leads to increased stress, anxiety, and decreased overall well-being (Meyer, 2003). For instance, LGBTQ+ individuals who are not out in workplace settings report higher levels of emotional exhaustion compared to those who can openly express their identities (Ragins et al., 2007).

Modern identity expression continues to utilize coded symbols, albeit in different forms. Subtle fashion choices, such as wearing specific colors, accessories, or pins, allow individuals to signal their identities within both supportive and ambiguous environments (Brubaker, 2016). Online spaces have also become hubs for coded communication, with emojis and memes functioning as contemporary markers of identity. For example, certain emojis, such as the pineapple or lavender flower, have been adopted by queer communities as discreet indicators of LGBTQ+ identity (McCracken, 2020). Similarly, the phrase "lavender lesbian" has been historically used as both a self-identifier and a term within feminist and lesbian circles, reflecting the long-standing association between the color lavender and sapphic identity (Faderman, 1991). The use of lavender in clothing or accessories remains a subtle but recognizable nod to lesbian identity and queer history.

Pride flags serve as another crucial visual tool for identity expression. Beyond the widely recognized rainbow flag (🏳️‍🌈), specific flags exist for different identity labels within the LGBTQ+ spectrum, including the bisexual pride flag (🩷💜💙), nonbinary flag (💛🤍💜🖤), and genderfluid flag (🩷🤍💜🖤💙), represented in text here with heart emojis, as commonly done in the community, due to lack of their own flag emojis. These symbols help foster community, provide affirmation, and allow individuals to claim space within broader social movements. They also communicate group membership, which is essential to additionally convey safety and acceptance cues. If one individual is displaying a pride flag in some way (e.g., a bisexual flag sticker on their water bottle), this cues to others that they likely share the same /similar Queer cultural values because they are part of the Queer community. While there are less widely recognize disability symbols, a few notable ones are the sunflower to represent invisible disabilities, the rainbow infinity symbol to represent autism, and spoons to represent the Spoon Theory (Miserandino, 2003) conveying struggles with limited energy or pain endurance present across various disabilities.

Art has long functioned as a powerful medium for protest, offering marginalized communities a means to resist dominant narratives and assert their identities through visual, performative, and literary forms. In the context of queer and disability activism, artists frequently challenge normative structures, highlighting the political dimensions of embodiment and visibility. The intersection of queer identity and disability has been critically explored by artists like David Wojnarowicz, whose raw, confrontational pieces addressed the AIDS crisis and the systemic neglect of the gay community (see below) and by Judith Scott, a nonverbal artist with Down syndrome whose intricate fiber sculptures defied traditional expectations of both art and ability (see below). Similarly, the work of queer disabled artist Riva Lehrer blends portraiture with political commentary, confronting societal discomfort with disability and queerness through intimate, detailed representations (of others and herself). Eddy Hardy also represents how art can aid in identity expression, though his recognized shift from a negatively stigmatized view of disability to an embraced one (NDACA, 2018), with the stigmatization of disability visually depicted in his work Freak Show (see below).

These examples align with broader theoretical frameworks that conceptualize art as a form of resistance and identity construction, and specifically address art as a form of establishing alternative value systems (Rathna, 2023). Art scholar Rosemarie Garland-Thomson articulates how visual culture participates in the social formation of disability identity, often either marginalizing or reclaiming bodily difference (see Sandall et al., 2010). Very few empirical studies have been conducted utilizing art as a meaningful source of data informing identity development and self-portrayal, though Thrower (2015) is one example of such. In tandem, queer theorists like José Esteban Muñoz (2019) emphasize the utopian potential of queer aesthetics, suggesting that art can gesture toward alternative futures (i.e., reflect resistance of oppressive systems and need for systemic modification for inclusivity). The power of such artwork lies not only in its emotive content but in its population among community members, furthering its capacity to disrupt, provoke questioning of existing frameworks, and mobilize collective action (Bishop, 2023; see also Rosunee, 2013). As these examples illustrate, art serves not just to reflect marginalized experiences as a singular story, but transforms personal expression into a collective resistance that additionally reflects underlying community values. 

The complexities of identity formation, expression, and navigation among societal norms, expectations, and values communicated through media representations all contribute to identity being multifaceted and multidisciplinary. As methodologies for studying identity are overviewed next, the argument that disability and queer identity (development and expression) contradicts normative social roles enforces the need for identity research to be innovative. Art and other nonverbal expressions of queer and disability identity provide a unique opportunity to study the values individuals convey. Across different purposes (self expression vs. political protest), art is able to capture an individual’s interpretation and integration of societal values, lived experience, and personal identity narratives.

Phenomenology is a philosophical framework often implemented within qualitative research designs that seeks to understand individuals' lived experiences of a phenomenon by exploring their subjective meanings and interpretations (Creswell & Poth, 2018). In identity research, phenomenological methods allow for a deep exploration of how individuals perceive and construct their identities over time and in various social contexts. This framework highlights how various identity dimensions (i.e., race, gender, and sexuality) interact dynamically rather than existing as static categories. A phenomenological approach is particularly effective in capturing the complexity and nuance of identity, as it focuses on participants’ first-hand experiences, emotions, and personal associations. 

A powerful phenomenological-associated methodology is photovoice, which is a participatory research technique where individuals can capture aspects of their identity through photography (Wang & Burris, 1997). The photo data itself is interpreted and analyzed by the researcher, often in combination with descriptions, interviews, or focus groups to supplement the themes observed. Photovoice has been widely used in studies exploring marginalized identities, such as research on disability and transgender experiences, allowing participants to visually express elements of their identity that may be difficult to articulate verbally (Gubrium & Harper, 2013). It can also be used to capture impressions and feelings (e.g., about transitional academic periods, Megarg et al., 2018) that can’t be communicated through words. The shift of agency to the participants allows the participants to guide how they want to represent and showcase their identities, too, which can lead to holistic and non-label based depictions that defy normative categorizations of identity (Soares Miehlstein et al., 2026). These approaches highlight the versatility of phenomenology in identity research, emphasizing its strength in capturing rich, individualized experiences. It also would allow deeper considerations of underlying values being captured/expressed that may not be salient when verbally sharing about one’s identity. When studying cultural and identity-related values, individuals may not be able to identify and articulate them without some type of comparison. Using focus groups with individuals who share similar minoritized identities (e.g., queer and disability) yet distinct lived experiences (and prompting discussions surrounding this) offers the opportunity to compare and contrast yet equalize power dynamics.

Prior work in disability studies and investigating mental health exemplifies using photovoice as a form of accessible nonverbal data collection (Krisson et al., 2021). Photovoice can also be referred to as “reflexive photography” as it captures an emotional component of the participants’ photographic focus (Douglas, 1998; Gold, 2004). In disability studies, photovoice has been used to study autistic individuals’ sense of self as traditional interview settings are not accommodating to those with differences in verbal communication and/or difficulty with expressing internal experiences (DeVault, 2022; Lyons & Fitzgerald, 2013; Teti et al., 2016). To study disability identity, photovoice allows for these types of accessibility considerations to be addressed within the methodology itself. 

In a review of other photovoice studies on disability, Macdonald et al. (2019) report common themes of “representation” and “knowledge exchange” observed along with community, empowerment, and barriers (including attitudinal barriers). Macdonald et al. (2021) captured both negative (e.g., judgment, exclusion from others) and positive (e.g., advocacy, claiming identity) experiences in a feminist disability study with a sample of six women photographers. Macdonald et al. (2021) demonstrate that photovoice can successfully capture identity expression in both explicit and emotive ways. While Macdonald et al.’s focus was not on underlying value systems, the themes of exclusion from others and claiming identity reflect the values obtained through identity development previously discussed. The portraits were also showcased in a community event in a library, and a website was created to host the photos publicly (see below), which significantly inspired both this dissertation project and the creation of this website.

Photovoice broadly offers the opportunity to publish more accessible forms of data that community members can engage with in more interactive ways. The consideration of the dissemination of findings, particularly with a community-engaged project on identity, is important. Using a photovoice method allows for publications beyond academic journals or within academic spaces. Critically, it can be hosted within the community and outside of a university, college, or academic setting that can perpetuate power differences (i.e., the work is centered as an academic project, conducted by a researcher at an institution; not for the community). The visual and artistic nature shifts the agency and ownership of the data back to participants, making the project inherently more collaborative.

Judith Butler’s (1990) theory of performativity argues that identity, particularly gender identity, is not an innate essence but a series of repeated acts shaped by social norms. According to Butler, identity is continuously constructed through performative behaviors that reinforce or challenge existing societal expectations. Butler (1990) questions, “Is there ‘a’ gender which persons are said to have, or is it an essential attribute that a person is said to be?” (p. 7), critically questioning identity as a construct. This perspective suggests that identity is fluid, dynamic, and context-dependent rather than a fixed trait. In Queer Studies, Butler’s framework has been instrumental in understanding how marginalized individuals navigate visibility and authenticity within social constraints. Additionally, Butler presents that identities “are alternately instituted and relinquished according to the purposes at hand,” and “will be an open assemblage that permits of multiple convergences and divergences without obedience to a normative telos of definitional closure” (p. 16). In this, identity is framed as enacted and uncapturable in a singular timepoint or singular behavior; not all expressions of one’s identity will align under a definition and it is up to the individual to craft their identity as they see fit. It may also contradict normative conceptions of how individuals of that identity group are “supposed” to be. This framework is extremely useful to frame the subsequent discussions, as the tenant that identity expression is an expression of community-learned values nested within a given sociocultural context relies on there being a behavior enacted following social, cultural, and, most importantly, community norms (which may conflict normative ideals in cases of marginalized communities). It also aids to preface how individualized identity still is, beyond generalizable claims. 

From an existentialist perspective, identity is deeply tied to personal agency and social existence. Jean-Paul Sartre, a philosopher pioneering essentialism, posited that individuals must actively define themselves in the face of external expectations, rejecting essentialist notions of fixed identity (see Onof, n.d.). Simone de Beauvoir’s The Second Sex (1949) expanded on this idea, particularly regarding gender, arguing that identity is shaped through lived experience and the negotiation of social roles (Kjellgren, 2023). Existentialist thought underscores the tension between self-definition and imposed identities, highlighting the struggle for authenticity in marginalized communities. Ferdinand de Saussure (1916) and Roland Barthes (1967) put forth how identity can also be understood through the lens of signs and symbols. In the context of identity, symbols (e.g., Pride flags, fashion choices, and coded language) serve as markers of belonging and resistance. Barthes’ conceptualization of myth, as a reflection of (socially constructed) values that can shift over time, further explains how societal narratives shape identity categories, reinforcing hegemonic and socially stratified norms or subverting them through counter-narratives. Both Barthes’ and Beauvoir’s arguments for this dissertation as identity is conceptualized similarly to myth, where social norms and social roles outline the ways of being we are expected to adhere within our society (and those can shift or vary), but individuals themselves adapt and shift their identity, values, and expressions throughout their lives depending on their social group membership(s). 

Disability studies emphasize embodiment, challenging normative identity constructs (Goodley et al., 2019). The study of identity within disability and queer contexts necessitates (qualitative) methodologies that account for the embodied nature of identity construction. Disability identity is shaped through lived experiences within one’s body, social stigma, and structural/systemic barriers (Goodley et al., 2019). Traditional psychological research often frames disability through a deficit model (e.g., the medical model of disability), focusing on impairment rather than identity. However, qualitative and participatory methods have shifted the focus toward self-perception, agency, and resistance to dominant narratives that align with the social model of disability, which frames disability within a contextual environment (Shakespeare, 2006). This is useful when working with other communities as well, especially those with a history of marginalization (e.g., the LGBTQ+/queer community).

Power imbalances between researchers and participants are certainly pronounced in disability identity-related research, but systemic and social group membership (of the researcher, research team, and participants) impacts all work where issues of representation and agency play a central role. Traditional research paradigms often position the researcher as an authority figure, extracting knowledge from participants without fully incorporating their voices or perspectives. When there is a history of misrepresentation and harm by an organization (e.g., a university), community members can have a strong distrust of researchers collecting data for their own agendas and with their own imposed ideologies and assumptions (McCubbin & Marsella, 2009). In studies on transgender identity, researchers like Testa et al. (2015) have used focus groups and some qualitative survey data with transgender individuals to help design scales (e.g., the Gender Minority Stress and Resilience scale) that capture gender diversity more accurately. Such practices help counteract the historical exclusion of marginalized groups from shaping the (hetero, cisgender, and Western) narratives that define their own identities. Redistributing power within the research process allows scholars to produce work that is both academically rigorous and socially transformative. Participatory research methods and frameworks challenge this imbalance by involving participants as co-creators of knowledge, ensuring that research is conducted with communities rather than on them. 

Conducting this project with the perspective that identity is inherently embodied cannot only guide the empirical investigation but also guide the active engagement throughout the process and dissemination of the findings. Embodiment of identity, argued in this dissertation to also expresses values held, is an important factor to showcase in the amplification of queer and/or disabled individuals' voices. This perspective openly recognized how identity is performed within and shaped by cultural and social contexts that the participants and the research team inhabit. Instead of seeking objectivity, shared positionality was essential for the research team to deeply understand the considerations participants make when expressing their queer and/or disability identity (and to guide the collaborative interactions throughout the project). Inclusive, participatory action approaches have been used frequently in disability studies, as seen in the work of Strnadová et al. (2018), who collaborated with intellectually disabled individuals to document their self-concept and social belonging (yet in published works, named co-researchers are rare; Walmsley & Strnadová, 2017). 

In the analysis stages and dissemination of the findings, centering co-researchers who were also artist participants helped to ensure the accurate representation of the other community members (artist and non-artist participants). Other researchers are encouraged to take on this perspective in their own way in their own research. This project was able to include four members of the research team as participants (including the lead investigator). It was also able to have a total of five undergraduate members of the research team present aspects of this project as named authors, with four gaining first authorship status across multiple poster and oral presentations at local University and national Psychology and Disability Studies conferences. This website also functions as a way to publicly recognize the artwork that was included as data and the named recognition of all the artists who took part in this study. In high hopes, this project encourages other researchers/investigators/project leaders to consider other creative and inclusive ways to provide meaningful involvement and named recognition of participants and/or the research team. This not only promotes a community-centered approach, but can also aid in enabling the expression of acquired identity-related values (including pride and confidence in the self), as discussed in Soares Miehlstein et al. (in prep), written with co-researchers and fellow artist participants Jennifer Press and Mia Kessler.

The project sought to approach identity research in an interdisciplinary way while taking into consideration the methodological tools available to proceed with a holistic plan guided with rigor and a community focus. It primarily investigated how individuals with queer and disability identities express, communicate, and interpret their identities through nonverbal and emotive means through art and embodied expressions. This was grounded in the premise that identity expression is not merely about visibility or recognition but also functions as a means of communicating cultural and community-based value systems, especially among marginalized groups whose bodies, behaviors, and social roles are often positioned as “non-normative” within dominant U.S. society. It actively recognized multiple ecological systems at play in the construction, maintenance, and display of identity in everyday life. This project predicted that the forms of expression documented will reflect values that are distinct from dominant societal norms, and those values play a key role in identity creation and maintenance (similar to Thrower, 2015, observed with only disability identity). In particular, it was expected that these expressions will not only affirm non-normativity but also reclaim it as a site of pride and resistance, suggesting a counter-cultural value system at play.

Adopting an interdisciplinary lens and drawing from frameworks in cultural and community Psychology, Philosophy, Disability Studies, and Queer Studies, this project intended to contribute to prior work that examined embodied social experiences as windows into systemic power and social belonging. It drew inspiration from Macdonaland et al. (2021), but extended beyond photographic data collection and included both queer and disability community members. By focusing on artistic expressions across multiple mediums (2D works, 3D works, and spoken word poetry), the present study sought to access meanings that may otherwise be suppressed or altered in more traditional verbal or quantitative identity research. As prior empirical work has limited use of various art forms as data or means of value expression, the first goal was to investigate how identity values are conveyed through art. Famous artists and art installations have set precedents for this initial research question to be readily answered in numerous ways. This contributes to understanding how art functions as a form of resistance and protest within systemic systems of oppression. The set studies in this dissertation project was able to document the artists’ perspectives and intended identity-related expressions, then address how others interpret and resonate with identity-related artwork.

Both queer and disabled (artist) participants embeded meanings into their artwork that affirm the value of non-typical bodies, experiences, and ways of being in the world (relative to normative social roles and values within a U.S. context). The study expected to find a shared attitude across queer and disability identity expressions that may contribute to the formation of inclusive community spaces grounded in shared marginalization rather than solely in shared identity labels. Guided by the theory that marginalized identity expression often reflects counter-cultural values, this study examined whether and how artistic and embodied expressions serve as sites of pride, resistance, and alternative belonging. In particular, the study investigated whether queer and disabled participants use nonverbal forms to affirm values such as the legitimacy of non-typical bodies, lifestyles, and ways of moving through the world. While the exact expressions may differ between groups, shared thematic patterns are expected to emerge, especially around experiences of inclusion and exclusion, family acceptance or rejection, and awareness (and protest or resistance) of systemic marginalization. While these two identity groups may articulate their identities differently, overlapping themes around social inclusion/exclusion, family acceptance, and resistance to normative expectations were observed similarly enough to establish signifcantly overlaps in both lived experiences and shared values.

In addition to understanding identity-related value expressions itself, this project also seeks to examine how such values influence social identity navigation in broader intergroup contexts. Individuals may adjust or suppress elements of their identity expression in contexts where dominant norms prevail (as observed and discussed in Soares Miehlstein et al., 2026a and Soares Miehlstein et al., 2026b), suggesting a dynamic interplay between cultural values, identity performance, and social safety. Finally, the study explored whether the values embedded in these identity expressions lead to more rigid or more expansive definitions of group belonging. That is, whether identity boundaries are drawn primarily through shared labels (e.g., “queer,” “disabled”) or through shared values and experiences that transcend specific identity categories (e.g., familial rejection, atypical body appearance). Importantly, this investigation took place in the cultural context of Hawaiʻi, where participants already shared local norms and practices shaped by Indigenous, Asian, and Pacific Islander cultural influences. This allowed the project to begin from a shared cultural baseline before tracing how expressions of queer and disability identity converge, diverge, or are shaped by local understandings of community, identity, and inclusion.

This research aims to make a contribution beyond academic spaces, engaging with and learning from the kinds of identity work already occurring in community-organized art initiatives. While existing programs of work support visibility and empowerment at the grassroots level, this project sought to provide empirically grounded insights into the ways cultural values are embedded in such creative expressions, with the aim of bridging community practice and academic scholarship. This website embodies the spirit of this dissertation, which was to conduct a community-centered study, promote accessibile engagement throughout the process, and host a celebratory presentation of the artwork and voices (primary strands of data) that contributed to the success of this project.