Ap Reorganisation Act 2014 Pdf Download

Recent neuroscientific evidence has revealed that the adult brain is capable of substantial plastic change in such areas as the primary somatosensory cortex that were formerly thought to be modifiable only during early experience. These findings have implications for our understanding of chronic pain. Functional reorganisation in both the somatosensory and the motor system was observed in neuropathic and musculoskeletal pain. In patients with chronic low back pain and fibromyalgia the amount of reorganisational change increases with chronicity; in phantom limb pain and other neuropathic pain syndromes cortical reorganisation is correlated with the amount of pain. These central alterations may be viewed as pain memories that influence the processing of both painful and nonpainful input to the somatosensory system as well as its effects on the motor system. Cortical plasticity related to chronic pain can be modified by behavioural interventions that provide feedback to the brain areas that were altered by somatosensory pain memories or by pharmacological agents that prevent or reverse maladaptive memory formation.

Phantom limb pain is a frequent consequence of the amputation of a body part. Based on the finding that phantom limb pain is closely associated with plastic changes in the primary somatosensory cortex and animal data showing that behaviourally relevant training alters the cortical map, we devised a sensory discrimination training programme for patients with intractable phantom limb pain. Compared with a control group of medically treated patients, the training group had significant reductions in phantom limb pain (p=0.002) and cortical reorganisation (p=0.05) that were positively associated with improved sensory discrimination ability.

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A change of government and a change of secretary of state led to the white paper on National Health Service reorganisation being published in August 1972. Integration between the NHS and social care was a central aim in the paper.

Charity reorganisation is a valuable tool for charities in Scotland to release unused funds back into the charity sector. It also allows charities that do not have the power to make changes to apply to us for the authority to do so.

The timescale for reorganisation applications depends on the size of the charity, as charity law gives us the discretion to treat smaller charities in a simpler way according to the following thresholds:

Some categories of charities cannot use the reorganisation process. This includes some (but not all) charities whose constitution is an Act of Parliament, a Royal Warrant or an Order of the Privy Council (a 'statutory enactment').

To inform the public of what is proposed, an application summary will generally be published on the OSCR website. This summary of the application will be published on our website for between 28 and 42 days, depending on the nature of the proposed reorganisation scheme. The majority of summaries are published for 28 days only. However, OSCR has the discretion to apply a simplified procedure to applications from very small charities, in which case the proposed scheme will not be published.

A representation is a comment about a proposed reorganisation that can either support or oppose the proposal. Read our How to Make a Representation page to find out how you can make a representation in relation to a proposed charity reorganisation.

OSCR can either approve or refuse a charity reorganisation scheme. If OSCR approves a scheme, the charity's trustees are responsible for the reorganisation of the charity and must notify OSCR when the charity's reorganisation is complete.

We are proposing a major reorganisation of our business to adapt to the new level of demand we are seeing from customers. As a result, we expect the loss of at least 9,000 roles from our global workforce of 52,000. In addition to the savings generated from this headcount reduction, we will also cut expenditure across plant and property, capital and other indirect cost areas. The proposed reorganisation is expected to generate annualised savings of more than 1.3bn, of which we expect headcount to contribute around 700m. The cash restructuring costs related to these actions are likely to be around 800m, with outflows incurred across 2020 to 2022.

The proposed reorganisation will predominantly affect our Civil Aerospace business, where we will carry out a detailed review of our facility footprint. It will also have implications for our central support functions. Our Power Systems business and ITP Aero are currently developing, negotiating and executing extensive measures to deal with the current situation. Our Defence business, based in the UK and US, has been robust during the pandemic, with an unchanged outlook, and does not need to reduce headcount. As part of the reorganisation, we will ensure that our internal Civil Aerospace supply chain continues to support our defence programmes and explore any opportunities to move people into our Defence business.

Due to the need to consult with the appropriate employee and trade union representatives, we are not providing further details of the impact of the proposed reorganisation on specific sites, or countries, at this stage. The restructuring announced on 14 June 2018 will transition into this wider proposed reorganisation. Focused predominantly on reducing the complexity of our support and management functions, the programme has substantially delivered on its objectives.

The States Reorganisation Commission submitted a report on September 30, 1955, with recommendations for the reorganisation of India's states, which was then debated by the Indian parliament. Subsequently, bills were passed to make changes to the constitution and to administer the reorganisation of the states.[8]

It is likely, for the foreseeable future, that the centre will continue with the policy of avoiding whole-scale reorganisation, preferring to identify opportunities for unitary reorganisations in particular counties across England as and when the possibility emerges.

Central government has also sought opportunities to restructure local government by making reorganisation a condition of devolution. Policies towards devolution have so far been focused on an economic growth agenda (see, Wall and Vilela Bessa, 2016) but have resulted in the creation of larger structural units: combined authorities. It is likely that any devolution offered to local government will, in some way, be linked to reorganisation. But there is no logic or practical necessity which suggests larger local government is a necessary condition for devolution, especially as England already has councils with the largest average populations in Europe.

Since the 1974 reorganisation the three main British parties have dominated English council representation but since 2011 there has been a steady if gradual increase in the percentage of seats held by independents and smaller parties. In 2011 the three main parties held some 92.4 per cent of all English councils seats; as a result of the 2021 local elections the three main national parties hold 86.5 per cent of English council seats. There are, of course, fewer seats available on English councils than 10 years ago. The last 10 years has also seen an increase in the number of independents and smaller parties that are in ruling coalitions in local government. But, those increases do not reflect the number of seats held by Independents and smaller parties overseas where local government is based on smaller, more geographically coherent, units than exist in England.

The report assesses the effects and implications of unitary reorganisation and the creation of larger units of local government, which are an inevitable result of reorganisation, on councillors and on independent councillors in particular. The report draws on national and international research data.

The second section of the report sets out the context of the debate around the reorganisation of local government in England and draws comparisons with international local government. The third section examines how the size of English local government has affected the political composition of councils and the possible implications for independent councillors and candidates of the creation of large unitary councils in England. The fourth section examines some of the 2021 local election results. The report concludes by drawing out the general lessons for independent councillors and candidates from local government reorganisation.

Swathes of councils and councillors were swept away by the reorganisation and it is at this point, with the creation of larger councils, not unitary at this stage, that we see the beginnings of a decline in the number of independent councillors across England. Wales however, appears to have had a stronger tradition of independent voting as the decline is not so marked from this point.

Alongside the reduction in the number of councils that has occurred across England since 1963 (see table one) there has been a consequent reduction in the number of councillors with thousands of councillors being lost in the various reorganisations and reductions in council numbers. One thing is certain however, that the work-load of the councillors remaining after reorganisation does not decrease and that research has shown that there has been a consistent increase over time of the hours that councillors are now committing to their work (see, LGA, 2006 and 2008, Evans and Ashton, 2010, Kettlewell and Phillips, 2013, LGA, 2018).

Across Somerset 82 per cent of voters opposed the creation of a county-based unitary council in the 2007 vote and only 18 per cent voted in favour. In this case the unitary did not progress but this was not because of the referendum result, rather a central government decision. Currently, Somerset is one of three county areas currently being considered for unitary reorganisation; the other to being Cumbria and North Yorkshire.

The research across Europe shows that council size matters to independent and small party success, which is greater in smaller than larger units of local government (Gendzwill, 2012, Egner et al, 2013, Thrasher et al, 2015). It is also the case that the reorganisation of local government in 1972 saw a sudden reduction, in England, of independent councillors (see, Wood 1976, Game and Leach 1996, Aars et al 2012). There is however, a tendency for around 10per cent, or just above, of all councillors across England to be independents or from single issue groups, local parties of smaller national parties (Game, 2007), that figures does fluctuate across election years around the 10 per cent mark. Specific national and local issues or the lack of specific local issues are the reasons for the fluctuations around the 10 per cent figure. 17dc91bb1f