Beyond Likes: The Role of Influencers in Promoting Views about Feminism and Anti-feminism in Spain with Marta Fraile and Paula Zuluaga in Politics & Gender
Abstract: This study explores the role of influencers in shaping public opinion about feminism in Spain, a country where gender equality and feminist discourse have gained relevant public prominence. Although the figure of the influencer may appear novel, the process of opinion formation mirrors that which has historically prevailed for celebrities in traditional media. However, the inherent characteristics of social media endow influencers with even greater tools of persuasion. We test this argument by collecting a representative survey of the Spanish population and analyzing posts and videos from influencers’ profiles, employing manual content analysis. Our findings reveal that audiences of incidental feminist influencers exhibit stronger pro-feminist attitudes, while those of incidental anti-feminist influencers lean toward anti-feminist views. Additional analysis using propensity score matching offers further evidence of the persuasive power of influencers, even after adjusting for potential selection biases in their audiences.
The Gender Gap in Policy Responsiveness in Spain with Berta Caihuelas Navajas in European Journal of Politics and Gender
Abstract: This article examines whether politicians in Spain address the political demands of women and men equally. Recent literature has consistently focused on understanding unequal responsiveness on the basis of social class and income level, ignoring a fundamental aspect that generates political inequality: gender. Our study follows Kopkin and Roberts (2022) and Persson et al. (2023) approach, who focus on unequal responsiveness based on gender, and analyses data from almost the entire democratic period in Spain (1978- 2018). Our results show a gender gap in policy responsiveness, with politicians favoring policies that are supported by men. This gap widens as gender disagreement increases. Furthermore, an intersectional approach highlights that women from lower socioeconomic classes receive the least attention, suggesting double discrimination based on gender and social class. The presence of a left-wing party or a stronger descriptive representation of women does not necessarily improve the consideration of women by political elites.
Unequal Policy Responsiveness in Spain with Noam Lupu in Socio-Economic Review
Abstract: Major theories of democratic representation posit that elected officials ought to reflect the preferences of their constituents and act accordingly. But a growing body of research finds that the preferences of the most affluent influence policy outcomes more than those of the least affluent. Yet, broad studies of unequal policy responsiveness have so far only examined Northern Europe and the US. This biased sample limits our ability both to generalize about unequal responsiveness and to build theories about its causes. We address these limitations by studying Spain, which differs from prior cases in important ways. We collected data from Spanish mass surveys fielded over the period 1976-2016 and researched which of these policies were subsequently approved. We find consistent evidence that policy responsiveness in Spain is unequal. We also find that this pattern holds regardless of the ideology of the government and the type of policy, although with some variation.
Democratic Resilience: Citizens' Evaluation of Democratic Performance during the Great Recession in the EU in Democratization
Abstract: During the Great Recession, European democracies underwent major political changes, from the spread of institutional discontent to the rise of radical populist parties. The erosion of democratic satisfaction in EU member states after the exogenous shock of the economic crisis is a significant phenomenon that requires innovative analysis and explanation. This article develops a new conceptual and empirical framework that examines how democracies are affected by exogenous shocks and the determinants of resilient democracies. The study explores the notion of democratic resilience, conceptualized as democratic resilience as the system characteristics which successfully adapt to or overcome democratic delegitimization processes after a shock. The analysis provides a classification of democracies by trajectory, distinguishing between preventive, recovered, and damaged democracies, and identifies which political characteristics have successfully increased or decreased democratic resilience. External political efficacy and economic satisfaction are highlighted as indispensable components and mediators of political and economic contextual features for a more resilient and stable political system during economic crises.
Distorted Democracies: How Party Dynamics Alter Citizens' Evaluations of Democracy after Elections (Under review - Not available)
Abstract: Does party polarization influence citizens’ evaluations of their own democracy? Parties' electoral strategies during elections permeate citizens, shaping their views of the political landscape and causing them to reassess their support for the democratic system. This article addresses the intricate party dynamics during elections, in which efforts to garner support from sympathizers and undermine political rivals play a central role in citizens' affective polarization and satisfaction with democracy. In this study, we examine the factors linking party polarization — both ideological and perceived — and negative campaigning to post-election affective polarization and satisfaction with democracy. We first examine the partisan dynamics associated with affective polarization using individual-level and political party positioning data. In a second step, we examine the relationship between affective polarization and satisfaction with democracy and establish the direct and indirect effects of these partisan strategies during elections on democratic satisfaction. The results show a significant negative correlation between perceived polarization and negative campaigning with democratic satisfaction and a positive relationship with affective polarization. Interestingly, ideological polarization shows no significant correlation. The most surprising result, however, is that affective polarization correlates positively with the positive evaluation of democratic functionality.
How Democracy Works: Divergent Perspectives of Representatives and Citizens. with Robert M. Fishman.
In Coller, X., and Sánchez-Ferrer, L. (Eds.). Politicians in Hard Times: Spanish and South European MPs Facing Citizens after the Great Recession. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Abstract: One of the drivers behind the growing disaffection with politics is widespread concern about the functioning of, and satisfaction with, democracy. This chapter focuses on the perceptions and preferences of Spaniards, and their representatives, regarding the functioning of democracy. The argument emphasizes fundamental differences between representatives and the represented with regard to their preferences for how democracy should function. The discussion focuses on the significance of these differences for dimensions of democratic practice. The data analysed show that parliamentarians are far more satisfied with democracy than ordinary citizens are, providing evidence that this contrast is rooted in disagreements over the desirability of enhanced citizen participation in political decision-making.
Does Gender Enter the Ballot-Box? Uncovering Gender Dynamics in Spanish Voting Patterns with Marta Fraile and Susan Banducci
Abstract: The recent upsurge of far-right forces in European parliaments has led to a reassessment of the political landscape. Spain, once an outlier in this trend, has undergone a transformation with the entry of Vox into the Congress of Deputies now ranking as the third strongest party in the country. Despite its popularity, polls show a pronounced gender gap in support for Vox. Adding more complexity to this political landscape, feminism in Spain has gained unprecedented visibility and importance and the 8-M protests since 2018 have shown the strength of this movement in Spanish society, especially among women. This paper delves into the role of feminism and modern sexism shedding light on : (i) the lower average inclination of women to support radical right-wing options such as Vox and (ii) their heightened tendency to vote for progressive parties (i.e., the modern gender gap).
This study, conducted as part of the TwiceAsGood project, focused on a post-election survey after the early elections in Spain in July 2023. Our preliminary findings confirm previous research suggesting that the rejection of modern sexist attitudes significantly influences women's support for the Spanish Socialist Party (PSOE) and their hesitation to vote for radical right-wing options such as VOX. Our study extends the existing literature by highlighting the pivotal role of declared sympathy for the feminist movement in Spain in the electoral landscape. This factor not only explains why women are more inclined to support left-wing parties such as the Sumar coalition, but also their aversion to right-wing parties more broadly, which include both VOX and the conservative PP. This research enriches our understanding of the complex relationship between gender dynamics, social perceptions and voter behavior in Spain's evolving political landscape.
Polarized Hearts and Minds: Gender Differences in Affective Polarization with Kaitlin Senk
Abstract: Affective polarization, a prominent political phenomenon, has garnered significant attention, often attributing partisan identity as its primary explanatory factor. The consequences of heightened political polarization, documented extensively, range from economic discrimination (McConnell et al., 2018) to distrust, hostility, and even political violence (Kalmoe and Mason, 2018). Understanding the causes of political polarization is therefore an important endeavor and has implications for democracy and electoral politics. We extend this framework by examining the crucial role of socio-demographic characteristics in polarization, particularly gender differences. Our research question focuses on discerning variations in affective polarization between men and women. Recent academic contributions, such as Schneider and Bos (2021), emphasize gender-based disparities in evaluating political leaders, a crucial aspect in measuring affective polarization. Moreover, studies reveal a positive correlation between the presence of women in political party caucuses and reduced levels of partisan hostility (Adams et al., 2023). Intriguingly, both male and female voters exhibit positive responses to female parliamentarians from opposing parties, suggesting that women's inclusion may foster more positive perceptions across party lines. Despite these insights, studies on gender differences in voters' affective polarization remain limited, with Ordercin and Lizotte (2019) attributing higher levels of polarization among women due to their stronger partisan identities and stances on issues like abortion.
Our study aims to address this gap by investigating whether gender differences in affective polarization persist in multiparty contexts prevalent in European countries with proportional or mixed electoral systems. Using data from the TwiceAsGood project and post-election surveys in Spain, we examine a political landscape characterized by a multiparty system, first time a woman running for the presidency, the recent ongoing feminist protests since 2018, and the emergence of a far-right party. To enrich our analysis, we use both traditional measures of affective polarization, examining voter evaluations of out-parties, as well as newer measures that assess justifications for political violence. This holistic approach allows us to understand whether and how women and men in the electorate are polarized and along which dimensions in their evaluations of both parties and party leaders.
8-M: ¿De tsunami a fuerte división social? El feminismo en España with Nerea Gándara Guerra, Marta Fraile, and Paula Zuluaga (Agenda Pública)
¿Quién apoya la Ley Trans? with Marta Fraile, Paula Zuluaga, and Nerea Gándara in Piedras de Papel (El Diario)
¿A quién escuchan los políticos en España? with Noam Lupu in Piedras de Papel (El Diario)
Las políticas preferidas por la clase alta tienen en España hasta tres veces más opciones de aprobarse por Ángel Munárriz en infoLibre.
La economía divide a las dos Españas: ¿por qué están en Andalucía los pueblos más pobres? por Verónica Ramírez en La Sexta.
ECPR General Conference 2023. (2023)
Paper presented: Gender Gap in Policy Responsiveness in Spain
Held in Prague, Czech Republic.
13th EPSA Annual Conference. (2023)
Paper presented: Can Inuencers Be Political? Exploring the Role of Influencers in Promoting Views about Feminism
Held in Glasgow, United Kingdom.
26th IPSA World Congress of Political Science. (2021)
Paper presented: Democratic Resilience: Testing the Health of Consolidated Democracies during the Great Recession
Held in Lisbon, Portugal. - Online Congress Programme
Political Behavior Colloquium EUI. (2021)
Paper presented: The Winner-Loser Gap on Polarized Elections in the European Union. Link
Political Behavior Colloquium EUI. (2021)
Paper presented: Unequal Policy Responsiveness in Spain. Link
XIV AECPA Conference in Political Sciences. (2019)
Paper presented: Resiliencia democrática y causas de la desconfianza política.
Held in Salamanca, Spain. - Online Congress Programme
26th International Conference of Europeanists. (2019)
Paper presented: Causes of Political Disaffection and Democratic Resilience under Great Recession.
Held in Madrid, Spain. - Online Congress Programme
First Spanish ESS Congress. (2018)
Paper presented: The Aftermath of Political Disaffection: Reemergence of extreme right in Europe after the Great Recession.
Held in Madrid, Spain. - Online Congress Programme
XII Spanish Sociology Conference. (2016)
Paper presented: El declive del bipartidismo y emergencia de nuevos partidos: Un análisis del mapa electoral tras las elecciones generales de 2015.
Held in Gijon, Spain. - Online Congress Programme