Guide to Understanding the War on Lebanon
by Janine Khoury-Brouwer
Definitions:
Resolution 1701: A U.N. resolution unanimously adopted after the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah. It calls for a permanent ceasefire, and the creation of a buffer zone.
Blue line: Geographical boundary set by the U.N., to confirm the withdrawal of Israeli forces from the south of Lebanon.
UNIFIL (United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon): U.N. faction established with the purpose of confirming the withdrawal of Israeli forces from southern Lebanon, and monitoring hostilities along the blue line.
Fast Facts:
Israel has launched more than four times as many attacks on Lebanon as Hezbollah has on Israel
In less than one month, from September 20 to October 18, there have been more than 3,300 attacks between Israel and Lebanon.
For every single Israeli person killed by Hezbollah, 56.5 Lebanese people are killed by Israel
Israel begun a ground invasion of Lebanon mid October
Israel’s shelling of Lebanon covers a large area, take for instance mapping of shelling on September 23rd alone:
by Badr Bousselham
If you were asked to name the greatest traveler or explorer, you might mention Marco Polo, Columbus, Magellan. However, a lesser known Moroccan traveler named Ibn Battuta, surpassed all of their expeditions. Over his 40-year journey, covering tens of thousands of kilometers, he visited the entire Islamic world, from the steppes of Central Asia, to the coasts of East Africa, and the distant lands of China and India. Along the way, he counseled kings and sultans, accompanied princesses, received great riches, and escaped death innumerable times. The story of his travels was recorded into a book titled Al-Rihla (The Journey). Today, we will go through the journey of recounting Ibn Battuta’s adventures.
Ibn Battuta was born in the city of Tangier, Morocco, into a family of Islamic jurists. His devotion to his faith compelled him, at the young age of 21, to perform the pilgrimage to Mecca, known in Arabic as the Hajj. However, the trip that was meant to last only a few years ended up extending for more than two decades.
He traveled to Mecca via the North African coast, passing through the cities of Algiers, Tunis, Alexandria, and Cairo, the capital of the Mamluk Sultanate. From there, he visited Hebron and Jerusalem, exploring their holy sites, and then went to Damascus, where he marveled at the city's grandeur before finally arriving in Medina and performing the Hajj in Mecca.
After his time in Mecca, Ibn Battuta traveled to the orient, exploring Iraq and Persia, regions recently ravaged by the Mongol invasion. After spending a few more years in Mecca, in 1330, he sailed along the coast of South Arabia and East Africa, eventually arriving at Kilwa (in modern-day Tanzania), which he described as a marvelous city.
In 1332, returning to Mecca for the third time, he traveled north, first visiting Anatolia and then the lands of Central Asia. In the city of Bolghar, he accompanied a princess of the Uzbek Khan back to her native city of Constantinople, marking his first visit outside the Muslim world. After parting ways with the princess, he returned to Asia, passing through Afghanistan before arriving in the Indian subcontinent.
There, he encountered the powerful Sultanate of Delhi, governed by an unstable ruler. Ibn Battuta became a judge in this empire, but this life of luxury was marked by the constant threat of persecution. By the year 1341, he left the unstable court, joining a Chinese embassy traveling to South India. When the embassy departed without him, he chose to work as a judge in the Maldives, where he stayed for almost a year before setting off for China.
Traveling through Bangladesh and then across Indonesian kingdoms and sultanates, in 1345, Ibn Battuta arrived at Quanzhou in China's Fujian province, which was then under the rule of the Mongol-led Yuan dynasty. He continued south to Guangzhou and later Fuzhou, where he stayed with influential merchants. He traversed the Grand Canal before visiting the Yuan imperial court in Beijing, where he presented himself as an ambassador. After all these travels, he had finally reached his destination.
However, his journeys did not end there. Upon returning home to Tangier and discovering that both of his parents had passed away a few years earlier, he set off again, this time toward Muslim Spain. Then, in 1351, he traveled south across the desert and arrived at the capital of the Mali Empire, where he stayed with the Sultan and later visited the cities of Timbuktu and Gao further south.
This marked Ibn Battuta's final trip. Upon his return to Morocco, the Sultan, impressed by his story, a scribe was mesmerized by the traveler and began to write an account of his journeys. From this endeavor, Al-Rihla was born.
Some criticism has been levied against the authenticity of certain claims made by Ibn Battuta, such as his visits to Beijing and Central Asia. However, regardless of the veracity of some passages, Ibn Battuta's travels remain not only a testament to man’s adventurous spirit but also a great source of information about the 14th-century Islamic world. His accounts of the people he met and their customs often reveal his personal prejudices and perspectives, offering us a glimpse into North African and Islamic culture of the time. Unfortunately, even though Ibn Battuta is gaining more recognition in recent years, his accounts are still overshadowed by those of European explorers.
by Nadine El-Shawkawi
Countries adjacent to the Persian Gulf are called Gulf Countries. These are Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, UAE, Qatar and Bahrain. Some of them include Saudi Arabia and UAE are the largest oil producers in the Middle East. The Gulf Region has experienced significant economic and social transformation in recent decades, driven by its vast oil and gas resources. But also by ambitious development plans, focusing on renewable energy projects, by building smart cities for example. This transformation also sparked a recent shift in gender roles and the recognition of the importance of women’s participation in the workforce. While progress has been made, women's employment in the Gulf remains a complex issue with unique challenges and opportunities.
Several factors have contributed to the increasing number of women entering the Gulf workforce. Firstly, legal reforms played a crucial role, with several countries introducing anti-discrimination laws, mandating equal pay, and providing maternity leave and childcare. Saudi Arabia is a prime example that had significant legal reforms in recent years, including lifting the driving ban in 2018 and easing male guardianship laws in 2019. These laws allow women to drive and travel on their own, allowing for increased independence and easier access to employment within the country or abroad. The introduction of anti-discriminatory provisions in the workplace allows for an increased chance of women getting hired and promoted as well as providing equal opportunities in the labor market.
Furthermore, increased educational opportunities among women in the Gulf have risen. The UAE is a prime example of a Gulf Country that has significantly increased educational opportunities for women. The government has invested heavily in education, with a particular force on encouraging girls and women to pursue higher studies in various fields. Some examples include scholarships and grants, which are specifically offered for female students to pursue higher education in the UAE or abroad covering all living expenses as well as tuition. Moreover, Universities have introduced specialized programs to attract and support female students in STEM fields, like science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. The UAE also launched mentorship programs to ease the transition for women from education to the workforce, allowing them to advance their careers even further. The advancement of these programs leads to a larger pool of qualified female candidates for various positions. This allows increased economic opportunities and therefore increased participation of women in the workforce in the Gulf.
Due to legal reforms and increased educational opportunities, women are increasingly breaking barriers and entering male-dominated professions. This led to women being able to work in fields like finance, technology, and many more.
Despite these positive developments, women's employment in the Gulf still faces significant challenges. Deep-rooted cultural and social norms often limit women's career choices and opportunities, particularly in more conservative communities.
Workplace discrimination, while illegal, can still be a reality for many women. Unconscious bias, unequal pay, and limited opportunities for promotion can hinder women's career advancement and perpetuate gender disparities. Another significant challenge is balancing work and family life.
The journey towards achieving gender equality in the workplace is ongoing, but the Gulf region has made significant strides in recent years. With continued commitment and collaboration between governments, businesses, and civil society organizations, the full potential of women's economic participation can be unlocked, benefiting not only women themselves but also the broader economy and society.
Sources:
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Gulf-Cooperation-Council
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2024/country-chapters/saudi-arabia
https://brittsimperial.com/breaking-barriers-empowering-women-in-the-uae-education-sector/
Click here for Al Nashat’s instagram account
by Luca Schmit
Why Encampments?
Encampments have become a popular tactic in recent months in the wake of the ongoing genocide in Gaza. But why is that?
Firstly, encampments are a powerful tactic because they physically occupy space. This may seem like a redundant observation however within it lies an encampment’s effectiveness. An encampment disrupts the usual functioning of university life, it imposes itself as an unavoidable sight in daily student life, it does not allow people passing by to forget what is happening in Palestine. Furthermore, this deeply spatial aspect of an encampment is contrasted by the fleeting nature of a march or other protest tactics. It also, most crucially, creates a space for students and people to agitate, to build a community within that encampment, which not only organizes itself but which through doing so shows that students can organize and wield political power.
Secondly, encampments have profound links to the Palestinian national liberation struggle and are an effective space for discussion and community-building. Throughout most of their history, huge sections of the Palestinian population have either been condemned to surviving in refugee camps or been under direct Israeli detainment. Therefore, in attempting to organize a functional encampment students are in part paying respect to the struggles of the Palestinians while also using occupation tactics for the purpose of liberation, not exploitation. Furthermore, some of the earliest forms of protest on behalf of the Palestinian cause in the West werewas in the form of sit-ins and occupations throughout campuses.
Thirdly, student/campus encampments have a long and proud tradition in Groningen, the Netherlands and really throughout the whole world. From the occupations during the Vietnam War protest movement and the counter-cultural 1960’s encampments have proven themselves as powerful means to gather students together and provide them with a space for activism, action and to fight for a better world. Encampments, alongside other tactics within a wider political strategy, have proven themselves invaluable tools in the history of student protests. In short, encampments provide an extremely powerful tool for students to rally support, take action and to ensure that they are not ignored but the institutions they wish to hold accountable.
Past and Current Encampments/Actions on a Map:
https://www.google.com/maps/@52.1426128,6.6629505,313598m/data=!3m1!1e3?entry=ttu
University of Amsterdam
Radboud University Nijmegen
Utrecht University
Delft University of Technology
Maastricht University
Eindhoven University of Technology
Leiden University
Erasmus University of Rotterdam
Wageningen University & Research
University of Twente
University of Tilburg
Main Encampments Still Standing (As of 22nd of May):
Groningen
Wageningen
Maastricht
Radboud University
(Note: This is an EXTREMELY rough and ballmark assessment of the current state of the student encampments as these are constantly being established, disbanded, attacked by police or moved due to a variety of reasons; it is important to highlight that encampments are by no means the only viable way to oppose genocide and support the plight of the Palestinian people)
Principle Demands: The main demands of all encampments across the Netherlands, and across most of the world, are threefold, though they are often paired with other more specific and situational grievances (ex. Seeking justice after the heavy police repression following the UvA encampment). However, the central demands of all encampments remains as follows -
Disclose: Full compliance with the freedom of information case. Disclose all university ties with Israeli institutions including educational institutions as well as companies that profit from the settler-colonial violence on Palestinians.
Boycott: Cease all academic collaborations with Israeli institutions, which have been proven to be participating in genocide, apartheid and exploitation of the Palestinian people.
Divest: Cease all contracts and divest from Israeli companies, and international companies/funds, that profit from genocide, apartheid and exploitation of the Palestinian people and their land.
The Case of Groningen (Opinion):
In this sea of activism and protest Groningen and its encampment has stood as an exception and lone star in the north of the Netherlands. The encampment, situated in the entrance courtyard of the Harmonie building, has existed and fought since the 13th of May and, at the time of writing, is entering its 15th day. Its establishment follows weeks and even months of protests by students and staff to get the RUG to recognize the ongoing genocide committed against the Palestinian people. Against these actions the university board has responded with nothing except growing restrictions on the very right to protest itself. New procedures and rules have been introduced that infringe on the right to protest, including the forms that protest can take, and with these draconian measures cameras and other surveillance equipment have been erected in the area in front of the academy building. Consequently, if institutions refuse to fight for justice, then we must fight for it ourselves and by ourselves. It is certain that as long as the RUG remains complicit in genocide, the encampment will stand.
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by Janine Khoury-Brouwer
Massive crowds of spectators, sound checks and musical sessions are nothing new for Adonis, a Lebanese pop-rock group. The sensational band was initially formed by Anthony Adonis (vocals, keys) and Joey Abou Jawdeh (guitar). Later on, Nicola Hakim (drums) and Gio Fikany (bass guitar) joined them, leading the 4 of them to be synonymous with the band. Having released 6 studio albums, performed in major venues both regionally and internationally, as well as collaborated with Netflix, UNICEF and Pepsi to name a few, it’s safe to say that Adonis is a trailblazer in the field. In light of their upcoming European tour, Anthony Adonis agreed to an interview, where the past, present and future of the band in the midst of uncertain times, centered the discussion.
J: The band was formed in 2011 when you were a university student. Would you recommend other students that have an interest in music to also pursue it at that time in their lives?
A: The earlier the better! There is no “right time” really when it comes to music. I started in university because that’s when I met Joey, who I consider to be my musical soulmate. I actually wish I'd met him earlier because this was the beginning of the journey for Adonis and for me as a songwriter and musician.
J: You were studying architecture, in what way has your musical career influenced your academic/professional development?
A: I finished my degree and then I worked in architecture for about 5 years both in Lebanon and abroad. During that time I actually pursued both architecture and music. It wasn’t until 2017 that we realized the band was really picking up and that it was worth giving all our time and our focus to, so this is when I moved to music full time.
J: Having initially started in 2011, how would you describe the evolution of the Arab music industry over the last 13 years?
A: I literally saw an industry form and come to life! When we first started there were a lot of beautiful individual experiments around different cities in the Arab world, but there was no industry in the proper sense of the term. It’s only a few years ago that major labels started coming into the region allowing musical companies to grow and to organize themselves. It’s around that time, I would say, that we really felt there's an actual industry. It was fascinating to see an industry develop and local artists growing, expanding their audiences, reaching the four corners of the globe with Arabic music. I was also happy to see Arabic music and its linguistic variety getting the international exposure it deserves.
J: Speaking of linguistic diversity, you sing in the Lebanese dialect instead of singing in MSA or modern standard Arabic, which used to be common. Do you think that singing in local dialects is becoming more prevalent amongst Arab artists?
A: We stick to the Lebanese dialect because we find it's the best way for us to express ourselves. Most of our Arabic influences use their dialects when writing songs, while other artists choose to branch out of their local dialects into a more standardized form of Arabic. Both are very interesting, I mean each musician, each artist finds their own voice. We're lucky to have Arabic as a mother tongue, it’s such a rich and versatile language that when you switch between dialects, you discover a completely different culture. I would say the Lebanese dialect has become part of our signature of our identity, both in terms of what we listen to and what we create.
J: You mentioned having Arab musical influences, do you and your band mates also have Western influences?
A: It's definitely a mix of the two! For our Arab influences, Ziad Al Rahbani’s music definitely shapes all the band members. Joey and I have also a particular fondness of Melhem Barakeit, it’s actually through his music that we initially linked. When it comes to non Arab influences there are so many of them and they vary greatly between the four of us. Joey is the classic rock type of guy, he really likes Pink Floyd whereas I'm more the singer-songwriter type of person so I would go more to Elton John and Bowie. Gio is into folk and Franco-European kind of music, while Nicola is basically our reference to popular music: he knows what's trending, what people are listening to and what's on the radio.
J: Having previously toured in both the Arab world and Europe, how would you say the response differs between the two audiences?
A: There’s not really that big of a difference because the bulk of the audience that comes to our European concerts is usually Lebanese or Arab speaking. So we get similar spectators whether we are in France, Cairo or Beirut, which makes everywhere feels like home. But what I like about performing outside the Arab world is encountering these few curious people that come to listen to our music, without necessarily knowing the language or the band. This is when we get to really test our music and our performance skills, because it's all we can rely on to hook a non Arabic speaking audience. In general it’s a blessing that no matter where we go it always feels like home!
J: It’s good to know that, especially since there’s been a rise in anti-Arab sentiment in Europe. Do you feel its effects on you or other Arab artists performing there?
A: Fellow musicians and friends in the industry have had difficulties dealing with these situations. But they're isolated incidents, so luckily it’s not frequent. I can't personally say much about it because I haven't directly experienced it due to our limited exposure in the European market.
J: What are the main messages that you want to represent with your music?
A: These change as I change and get through life, but there's always a common theme of identity and belonging. Currently there's a big question of do we stay in Lebanon, or do we leave and establish our careers abroad, like so many people around us have. This raises a few questions about what identity is, what defines belonging and what it all means… you know none of these answers are given. So there are these themes that seem to be coming across our different albums, and they change as we evolve and experience life, we just try writing about them as truthfully as we can.
J: So you would say that Lebanon plays a significant role in the music you produce?
A: Yes definitely, definitely. I mean it all started with our band name… Adonis is an area in North Beirut where I grew up with my brother who was a founding band member. The band name could also relate to the myth of Adonis and Aphrodite, which according to ancient texts occurred in Lebanon. Our music is really geographically oriented in that sense, it groups the mythical divine with regular suburbia.
J: As you know, Lebanon has been facing crises after crises, from the Beirut port explosion in 2020, to the current Israeli airstrikes in the south. How do these tragedies affect your composing?
A: These hardships definitely find their way into our music. These emotions seep through our lyrics, which is especially seen in our album “A’da”. We were actually in the process of writing the album when the explosion happened, so it explores some dark themes… even its name translates to enemies or animosity in arabic. Everyone goes through good and bad experiences, so these are global themes, and people can have subjective testimonies of the same experiences. I believe that our music connects with younger generations because it is devoid of taboos, it's truthful, and it's a change from the typical poetic types of songs that we are used to in the Arab world.
J: You have worked on several collaborative projects in the past, with Aziz Maraka and Tina Yamout to name a few. Are you planning on working with more artists in the future?
A: One of the best parts of being an artist is working with other artists, so definitely! There are even a few projects coming out soon.
J: You mentioned having doubts with the band as to whether or not you should leave
Lebanon, how would that choice impact your future collaborations?
A: Right now we're still operating mostly in Lebanon and Jordan, so we have been collaborating more with artists from our surroundings. But we will get more and more presence in Europe with our upcoming tour, so as we navigate this new market there's bound to be collaborations with western artists. I always welcome change and anything that shakes things up musically speaking.
I always find it positive. For example, the immigrations happening in and around Lebanon affect all the sectors and aspects of life, whether you're a cook, engineer or artist, you're bound to become influenced by all the different communities and tastes that you interact with on a daily basis, and this allows for culture to diversify
J: Thank you for your time! Is there anything you’d like to add?
A: Just for the readers to pursue music from an early age if it’s their passion!
If you would like to explore Adonis’ music and dive into modern Lebanese songs, sign up to win
2 FREE tickets to their upcoming concert! It will take place in Utrecht at the Tivoli Vredenburg
on Friday June 14th starting 19:30. All you have to do is follow the Al Nashat instagram
account and submit the google forms, both are linked under this article. The ticket tombola
closes on June 6th, and the winner will be contacted on June 7th. Good luck!
Click here to sign up for the tickets
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by Malahat Mammadova
The Middle East and North Africa region boasts a rich tapestry of diverse cultures, which extends to the wide scope of regional and folk dance forms that are cherished and practiced by its residents to this day. Here is a short overview of just a few of the most prominent dances you can find in the region.
1. Belly Dance
Also commonly referred to as Raqs Sharqi ― literally translated as “dance of the east” in Arabic ― this is perhaps one of the most widely depicted and stereotypically portrayed cultural components assigned to the Middle East in Western media and popular culture. These portrayals frequently reduce belly dancing to a hypersexualised and exoticised performance with a focus on revealing costumes and suggestive movements, thereby obscuring the artistic significance of the dance form as an instrument of expression and storytelling. The English-language term for the dance may distort its true diversity and complexity, as it zooms in on one specific body part despite the fact that it also involves articulated and intricate movements of the hips, torso and arms. Originating in Egypt, Raqs Sharqi is not limited to one specific choreography and has developed into differing forms across regions such as Lebanon. Strictly sticking to traditions, it is not necessarily an event performed on stage, but is practised for social gatherings at home and can be found at a multitude of events, such as weddings and birthday celebrations.
2. Dabke
Dabke is a popular group dance with origins in the Levant region, including Palestine, Lebanon, Jordan and Syria, and carries a rich history and cultural nuances. Its name is derived from the Levantine Arabic word dabaka which means “to make a noise.” It is characterised by synchronised circle formations in which dancers link arms and perform
rhythmic steps to traditional music played on instruments such as the oud and the tabla. Slight variations of the dance also exist beyond the Levant, such as the Iraqi Chobi. Given its status as a social activity, it is typical to see this dance performed during festivals and celebrations. Although there are many versions of dabke, the common variant involves intricate footwork on both sides, accompanied by small hops. Dabke is often led by the most skilled dancer in the group, as performers stand in a straight line or semicircle
3. Sufi Whirling
This dance form, also referred to as Sufi spinning, is an expression of physically active meditation that originated among followers of Sufism, a form of Islamic mysticism. Some Sufi organisations employ devotional music and ceremonial activities, resembling dancing, to improve their experience of closeness to God. The dance consists of dancers spinning in repetitive circles, symbolising spiritual ascent and union with the divine. Although this practice is most commonly associated today with the Dervishes of Turkey, it can also be observed in Egypt and Iran.
4. Raqs Al Assaya (Cane Dance)
This dance features canes and is an opportunity for dancers to highlight hipwork, all while showcasing their dexterity and balance. Wielding wooden canes is a central feature of this dance form, as it is based on tahtib, a martial arts-esque activity performed by men from the Upper Egypt region. Given its likeness to tahtib, it is comprised of the presentation of a feminine alternative to using a “weapon” for fun.
5. Khaleeji Dance
Hailing from the Arabian Gulf region, this dance form is particularly popular in countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and Kuwait. It is also known as the Hair Dance due to its incorporation of women tossing their hair and gracefully making small gliding steps in large groups, alongside intricate footwork, hand gestures, and hip swaying to music. The women’s large dresses and vibrant costumes complete the performance.
Sources:
https://www.sfwa.org/2023/03/07/belying-the-belly-dancer-misconceptions-of-raqs-sharqi-that-need-t o-be-corrected-in-your-writing/
https://www.sharqidance.com/blog/bellydance-history-baggage
https://u.osu.edu/sellman.13/2021/05/01/dabke-dance-a-shared-tradition-of-the-levant/ https://www.institute.global/insights/geopolitics-and-security/what-sufism
https://greenstone.dance/tag/what-is-raqs-al-assaya/
https://ahlamdancetheatre.com/project/khaleegy/
by Nahiba Duaa
Mutabbal A silky, smoky dip made with grilled eggplants as its main star; its flavour is accentuated by the addition of garlic, lemon, yogurt, and tahina.
Mutabbal is considered to be derived from another dish called Baba Ghanoush. Often, the two are mixed up as they have the same base ingredients. Both feature grilled eggplants mashed with different ingredients, with Baba Ghanoush being more on the spicier side. Legend has it, Baba Ghanoush was invented by a person close to a rich sultan who was thought to be spoiled, hence the name of this dish translating to mean “pampered daddy.” Nevertheless, this odd legend behind a simple dish did not stop it from evolving to produce its milder version: mutabbal. Till this day, mutabbal is enjoyed widely around the world but particularly in the Levant region where it hails from.
Hummus A versatile dish which you could have as a dip or a spread made with mashed chickpeas blended with tahina, garlic and lemon; bringing to the forefront a unique taste unlike anything else.
Hummus is a dish that’s widely loved around the world due to its versatile nature. The wide consensus is that its roots trace back to areas which have historically known to have cultivated chickpeas, Southwest Asia in particular. The first record of this dish was found in a cookbook which dates all the way back to 13th century Cairo, although the recipe did not include tahina or garlic. However, the dish was further developed to resemble to be more like the one we eat today in 18th century Damascus, Syria. This modern version has an addition of ingredients like lemon, sesame and garlic; classic staples of Syrian cuisine.
Sujuk A dish inherited by the Middle East as a remnant of the Ottoman Empire; A kind of sausage which tends to be a little spicy and has been fermented.
Sujuk is widely enjoyed in a plethora of areas, from the Balkans to the Middle East. The first mention of sujuk traces all the way back to 11th century China, by Mahmud Al-Kashgari. It is thought to have been a favourite amongst soldiers in the Ottoman Empire, as it was also fairly convenient to prepare. Traditionally, sujuk is made by drying the mixture of spiced ground beef and fat under the sun and letting it ferment to give its distinct, peppery taste. This explains why it is named sujuk in the first place; its name is believed to be derived from the Arabic word “sujukh” which means “dried.”
3ish Baladi Native to Cairo’s buzzing streets, this is a kind of flatbread made with whole wheat flour that perfectly pairs with everything and anything.
3ish Baladi translates to mean “bread of my country”; paying homage to Egypt. It is as though this small staple, which one would have with almost every meal, shouts out its patriotism at every dinner table around Egypt. It is not merely seen as bread, but rather a symbol of love for one’s history, culture, and native land. This bread is traditionally made in a clay pot, and its method of preparation has remained to be the same for centuries.
It erased the lines between social classes back in ancient times; pharoahs and peasants both enjoyed 3ish Baladi albeit in their own way.
Tabouleh This salad from the Levant is made only with finely chopped parsley, tomatoes, mint, onions, and bulgur, and dressed with lemon juice and olive oil. It is made c/m with the most simple ingredients yet promises to be unforgettable.
In the Middle Ages, edible herbs were a central part of the Arab diet. Tabouleh has come all the way from the mountains of Syria and Lebanon, where such herbs known as “qadb”, were cultivated and found in abundance. In addition to this, the Baqaa Valley of Lebanon provided the optimum resources to make bulgur, which is another main ingredient of this dish. The combination of these earthy herbs and ingredients formulated present day Tabouleh adored by many.
Koshary May seem like an odd blend at first sight, but is a crowd-favourite throughout Egypt; found at every corner of every street. This dish has multiple components like macaroni, rice, black lentils, and most importantly fried onions, which are layered and then a succulent tomato sauce is drizzled over. Some even like an addition of Shatta - a spicy chilli sauce which perfectly compliments this unconventional yet delicious dish.
One of the earliest mentions of Koshary could be found in the Egyptian Books of Genesis. The ancient Egyptian term “Koshir” meant the “food of the rites of the Gods”, contrastingly, nowadays Koshari is known as the “food of the poor.” Koshir was a breakfast dish which had lentils, wheat, chickpeas onions and garlic all cooked together in a flavorful concoction in a clay pot. Koshary is a product of Koshir’s evolution, and is a widely available dish all throughout Egypt. It can be found on food carts, or nestled in people’s homes, or even in conferences.
Umm Ali Translating directly to mean “Mother of Ali”, this dessert is one beloved to Egypt. A kind of bread pudding, it is made with layers of crispy puff pastry laced with sweet milk, and sometimes with nuts, which is baked altogether.
Legend has it, this dessert originated to mark the celebration of the death of Shajar al-Durr, who was married to one of Egypt’s first Mamluk Sultans, Izz al-Din Aybak, and in pursuit of obtaining power, allegedly plotted his murder. She was killed in retribution and to celebrate her death Om Ali, Aybak’s first wife, ordered the preparation of this dessert. Soon after, this dessert became quite popular and eventually was named after Om Ali.
Namoura One could think of this dessert as a close relative to basbousa. This eggless cake is made with semolina and is paired with a rosy, sugar syrup.
Namoura is quite popular in Lebanon, and to understand its history it should be considered where its muse, Basbousa, originated from. Basbousa dates back to the 16th century in the Ottoman Empire, it was introduced to celebrate the conquest of Armenia. The semolina cake at the time was called “revani” and is still referred to as such by Turkish people. Overtime, this dessert also evolved to include and exclude ingredients, with each version having an identity of its own despite resembling each other.
by Laila Moaz
When greeting family and friends, people all over the MENA region have similar ways of showing their appreciation for the person they’re meeting. While the culture on this is very similar across the region, there are a few differences in how people greet each other. The one commonality across the entire MENA region is that men and women traditionally do not make physical contact when greeting each other unless they are direct family members. This is directly related to the high influence of Islam on the region. Therefore, unless a woman extends her hand for greeting first, men do not move to shake a woman’s hand first Often people will put their right palm over their heart as a form of greeting.
Outside the traditional handshakes, people in the region commonly give each other kisses on the cheek when greeting each other. Depending on the country of origin, the number of kisses changes. For instance, Moroccans exchange two kisses on the cheek, starting on the left. In the case that a man and woman are greeting each other unless the woman extends her hand out first in greeting, the man will bow his head in greeting. The same in Egypt; typically one kiss on the right and one on the left is enough. People in the Levant, namely Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan, usually do three kisses, right-left-right; sometimes stressing the last kiss to show appreciation for the other person. When greeting the elderly, people will often kiss the person’s forehead or right hand as a sign of respect for the person.
Taking things a step further than kissing, people in the Gulf, namely the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait and Oman, greet each other by rubbing their noses together. You read that right. The nose symbolises pride and honour, making it the perfect way to greet someone to show them respect. Furthermore, it illustrates equality between the two people exchanging “nose kisses.”
States in the Mediterranean are very similar in the way in which they greet each other. Depending on who you are interacting with, it is important to keep in mind the small cultural differences as well as the religious traditions which people in the MENA region may follow.
Sources:
https://www.journeybeyondtravel.com/morocco/culture-etiquette
https://kawa-news.com/en/nose-rubbing-where-does-this-traditional-gulf-arab-greeting-come-fro m/
https://kaleela.com/en/traditional-greetings-in-some-arabic-speaking-countries
https://www.quora.com/How-do-people-in-Saudi-Arabia-greet-each-other
فن الخط العربي
by Nadine El-Sharkawi
Calligraphy combines the word beauty (kallos) and writing (graphos) from Greek Origin. It is an art of visually stylized lettering and has evolved into an art form across many cultures around the World. In the Islamic World, Arabic calligraphy finds roots in the Quran yet has become an integral part of art, architecture, gracing mosques, palaces, and decorative objects. It symbolizes the beauty of the Arabic language and the cultural heritage of the Arabic World. It is admired for its aesthetic value, expressiveness, and mastery of a technique.
There are numerous styles of Arabic calligraphy, which can be labeled as the “Six Pens”.Yet each possesses distinct characteristics.
Kufic: recognized for its bold, angular lines and geometric shapes
Thuluth: brings a touch of elegance with its flowing curves and elongates ascenders and descenders.
Naskh: known more for its clarity and legibility, namely more straightforward and well-proportioned letters
Muhaqqaq: contains thick strokes and generous spacing, mainly used on monumental inscriptions on buildings
Rayhani: maintains the bold features of Muhaqqaq, but on a smaller scale and puts more emphasis on stylization, making it well suited for decorative items
Riqa’: the practical everyday style of writer; quick, simple, and cursive
Many countries in the MENA Region actively preserve and practice multiple Arabic Calligraphy styles. Contemporary calligraphers often draw inspiration from various historical styles, sometimes blending them in unique ways. Calligraphers are regarded very highly in the Arabic world, as mastering a skill in Arabic calligraphy takes years of training by copying models to perfect the different types of strokes and styles.
The traditional tools used in calligraphy are very sophisticated. The Qalam (Pen) is the core instrument of calligraphy, it is made from dried reeds or bamboo. Calligraphers cut and shape the pen to control ink flow and line thickness. These elements contribute to the unique style and strokes they specialize in. The second tool is the Ink, back in the day it was naturally prepared from substances like soot, plant extracts, minerals, etc. Today, there are modern bottled inks that offer a wide range of colors and special effects, for example metallic. Yet many calligraphers still prefer the richness and flow of natural inks. The last main tool is, as one would expect, historically, sized paper was treated with starch and other solutions to create a smooth, non-absorbent surface for writing yet nowadays there is often specialized paper designed with smooth, ink-friendly surfaces for the sole purpose of calligraphy drawings.
by Janine Khoury-Brouwer
What comes to your mind when you hear the word Arab?
In a poll conducted by Historum, 42% of participants answered “camels and deserts”, whilst nearly a quarter thought of “terrorism and bombings”, swiftly followed by “belly dancing” with 8.8% of votes [1]. These responses illustrate some of the misconceptions held by westerners in regard to Arab culture, society and people; in other words they are stereotypes. Stereotypes have a cognitive purpose, in which they provide a shortcut for defining and categorizing different groups [2]. They can thus promote hostilities between groups when applying these generalizations to individuals [3].
Western popular media is notorious for perpetuating stereotypes, leading to an increase in anti-Arab sentiment and Islamophobia in Europe and North America [4]. Movies and TV series from these regions often portray Arab men as being “violent, irrational, backwards, terrorists, radical, untrustworthy, inferior and tribal”, while women are seen as “shallow, ignorant, obedient, extremists, religious and uneducated” [5]. A recent example of that would be the “Dune: Part Two” movie, released in 2024. Having been shot in the UAE and Jordan, as well as using Arabic words (jinn, mahdi, jihad) and clothes resembling abayas and niqabs, the film is a direct adaptation of a Westerner’s idea of the Arab world; all whilst lacking proper Arab representation [6].
(Excerpt from “Dune: Part 2” (2024), showing women in abaya-like clothing)
Another similar case would be “Homeland”, a critically acclaimed TV show following CIA agents fighting against extremist Arabs (which constitute most representation of Arabs in the show). In an infamous scene, one of the characters walks through Hamra street in Beirut Lebanon, which is depicted as a narrow dirt road full of armed and violent militia men, when in fact the shopping district is known for its nice cafes and nightlife. To make matters worse, it was later revealed that the scene was shot in Israel, a known enemy state of Lebanon [7].
As was illustrated with the previous examples, stereotypes aren’t solely limited to Arab people, but our culture, communities and countries. A study sampling of nearly 300 Western movie scenes deduced that for every movie representing 1 “peaceful” Arab country, 4 are portraying “troubled” Arab states. Furthermore, there are twice as many movies with “uncivilized” Arab characters, as there are with “civilized” Arab characters [8].
Having outlined the bias and prejudice demonstrated by Western popular culture, its effect on non-Arabs’ views of the Arab world is quite extensive. While believing that all Arabs are muslim, or that all Arab states have deserts are relatively harmless misconceptions, thinking that Arabs are religious extremists or that Arab states are dangerous are significantly more hostile concepts. That being said, stereotypes are generally less binary; non-Arabs would not assume that every Arab person they meet is a terrorist (one would hope). Instead, stereotypes offer opportunities for these suspicions to arise; following the last example, upon hearing of a terrorist attack, one would subconsciously assume the terrorist is Arab, regardless of their ethnicity. This highlights the danger of stereotypes: we are not usually aware of them yet they shape our thoughts, behaviors and actions. Knowing that stereotypes are formed by either the generalization of a personal experience or the influence of the media, it is safe to say that in the case of Arab marginalization the latter applies.
It is our responsibility and duty to deconstruct stereotypes propagated by Western popular media. We must reinforce a more accurate depiction of our countries, whether Arab or not, we need to redefine our own cultural identity.
References:
[1] https://historum.com/t/what-comes-to-your-mind-when-you-hear-the-word-arab.32499/
[2] Wu, Y. (2010). Model minority stereotypes of Asian American women in American media: perceptions and influences among women of diverse racial-ethnic backgrounds (Doctoral dissertation, Kansas State University).
[3] Schauer, F. (2006). Profiles, probabilities, and stereotypes. Harvard University Press. [4] Najm, N. A. (2019). Negative stereotypes of Arabs. SOCIAL WORK, 80(1).
[5] Sides, J., & Gross, K. (2013). Stereotypes of Muslims and Support for the War on Terror. The Journal of Politics, 75(3), 583-598.
[6]
https://www.cosmopolitan.com/uk/entertainment/a60007426/dune-2-middle-east-north-africa-muslim-infl uence-erasure/
[7] https://www.bbc.com/news/entertainment-arts-20002148
[8] Yousaf, M., Sial, N., Munawar, A., & Shahzad, M. (2020). ENGLISH-STEREOTYPING OF ISLAM AND MUSLIMS IN HOLLYWOOD MOVIES: AN ANALYSIS OF REPRESENTATION. The Scholar Islamic Academic Research Journal, 6(1), 63-95.
By Luca Schmit
A Debate:
Within Islam, past and present, there is a robust and ongoing debate over whether or not sentient beings, such as animals and humans, should be depicted in art. This avoidance of representing sentient beings, called aniconism, has numerous sources and justifications behind it with certain hadiths motivating a very strong aversion to such practices such as, for example, a concern over idolatry or an over-emphasis on the material. However, this reflects an incredible diversity and engagement within Islamic thought, culture and art and thereby also reveals the beautiful variety in which different Islamic societies have approached this sensitive subject and the different interpretations, and consequently, the various art forms and expressions that have sprung forth from it.
A Misconception:
Though it is absolutely true that some Islamic traditions and denominations explicitly forbid or steer away from depicting sentience within their respective artistic traditions, which is motivated by strongly held and genuine religious belief, there is an unfortunate claim made by some that there is no historical evidence or example of Islamic art depicting sentient beings. This misconception is particularly common amongst certain Western institutions or educational programmes who unfortunately often fail to fully grasp the nuances of this debate and the beliefs behind it. It furthermore is reinforced by our often limited exposure to the full breadth and depth of Islamic art and culture which tends to emphasize the most eye-catching or religiously significant monuments, where geometric and abstract patterns and art forms predominate, at the cost of other forms of Islamic artistic expression.
Unfortunately, this misconception has also been used to drape Islam in a sense of otherness, that its art is in a way not able to connect itself or enter into dialogue with other forms of art due to this difference. Furthermore, it is a misconception that is more enduring and prevalent than many people may believe. In my own history programme, I was told of a story of when my medieval history professor, Mohamed El-Merheb, had to debate and correct a student of theology at the RUG who insisted that there were no examples of sentient beings depicted in Islamic art. Thankfully my professor was there to correct the record and shared with the mistaken student countless examples of wonderful Islamic depictions of flowers, animals, plants and, yes, even humans.
However, my helpful professor cannot be everywhere at once to help correct and dispel this, but fortunately for us, we can use this platform and infographic to correct it on his behalf and on behalf of people who already know about how wrong this conception of Islamic art is. Although we are not here to provide answers to the complex debate of aniconism, what we are here to do is to reveal the incredible subtleties and complexities of Islamic art as it relates to its depiction of sentient beings. What we wish to do here is to showcase some examples of this that span a tremendous historical timespan and diversity and, thereby, dispel some of the more ugly aspects of a commonly held Western misconception and misunderstanding. Therefore, let us now embark on a fascinating adventure of Islamic art and culture that finally captures its full nuance, variety and wonder.
Examples:
- Baptistère de Saint Louis created by Mohammed ibn al-Zain (c.1320-40); particularly fascinating as it depicts a European Christian ruler, Louis IX (r. 1226-1270) alongside a retinue of riders and a medley of animals. Demonstrates the breadth of Islamic art in depicting other cultures and the variety of forms it engages with
- Medieval Persian manuscript depicting Muhammed leading Abraham, Moses and Jesus in prayer (date and maker unknown); especially noteworthy here is the depiction of Muhammed which showcases how different cultures that adopted Islam had varying attitudes in depicting the Prophet and also showcases how Islam saw itself as belonging to a wider Abrahamic world and culture through its depiction of other notable religious figures such as Moses
- Fresco from Qasr Amra (723-743), one of the best known examples of the desert castles constructed during the Umayyad Caliphate; notable here is the explicit depiction of nudity and the female form alongside the scene of a bathhouse which denotes pleasure and relaxation. Also interesting is its use of color and in its role as a private place for the use of the Umayyad caliphs
- Islamic painting depicting a hunting scene (c.1550); remarkable for its exquisite use of color and the sheer amount of movement and action depicted within the scene, especially with the huge amount of people depicted alongside the various animals and fauna. Also phenomenal for its representation of everyday life and activity
- Water Pitcher in the Shape of an Eagle (796-97); a great example of material culture which also demonstrates how even depictions of sentient beings were part of the everyday world of Islam as this water pitcher was likely used by a well-to-do Syrian or Iraqi family. The piece also includes the name of the craftsmen (Suleiman) and its date of manufacture which firmly proves that these forms of artistic expression were not done in secret but were part of an active Islamic economy and cultural world
Sources:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aniconism_in_Islam
By Malahat Mammadova
The most sacred month of the year for 1.8 billion people around the world commences upon the sighting of the crescent moon, ushering in a period of spiritual reflection and fasting. Believers from around the world mark the month in which the first verses of the religion’s sacred text, the Quran, were revealed by fulfilling one of the five pillars of Islam. The month is a time to deepen one’s spiritual discipline by contemplating one's relationship with God, dedicating more time to prayer and the study of the Quran, and community building, all while observers carry on with regular activities, such as work, throughout the duration of their fast.
Not even water?
The main activity associated with Ramadan is fasting, which includes refraining from food, drink—yes, even water—as well as other forms of behaviour considered immoral between dawn and dusk. In addition to this, Muslims are encouraged to lessen negative habits such as swearing, complaining, and gossiping, with the ultimate goal of making observers practice mindfulness. While the iftar table varies across cuisines, the fast is usually broken with dates and a glass of water.
The deeper purpose of fasting is to achieve taqwa, which is about being aware of God’s presence, and therefore trying to live by the principles of faith at all times. It is seen as a reminder of the importance of keeping a deeper commitment to self-restraint. Apart from its central spiritual purpose, fasting is also meant to guide believers to empathise with the less fortunate and develop a duty to help the poor and needy, also known as zakat, which is another one of the pillars of the faith.
Lanterns, Drummers and Cannons
While the main customs of the upcoming Islamic lunar month, such as abstaining from food and drink from suhoor (the first meal before the break of dawn) to iftar (the meal eaten at sunset), are standard practice across borders, the rich traditions of Ramadan vary across regions.
As the break of dawn nears in Istanbul, drummers decked in Ottoman attire flood the streets to announce that it’s time for suhoor, a tradition dating back to the old times before the invention of alarm clocks. Somewhat similarly, Morocco tasks a Nafar—a town crier dressed in traditional attire—with roaming around the streets while blowing an instrument or singing melodious prayers to signal that it’s time to wake up for the first meal of the day. Local variations of these ‘human alarm clocks’ also endure in Lebanon, Yemen and Palestine.
Last but certainly not least, Iftar is announced with a bang—literally! In some countries, cannons are fired just in time for Maghrib prayer. Dating back to Egypt, the tradition of firing a cannon to mark the time for iftar steadily spread to the Levant, and is now a custom practiced throughout Gulf states such as the UAE and Qatar.
The streets of Egypt turn colorful and festive with light illuminated from lanterns at every corner, a tradition dating back to medieval times. In the modern day, the use of beautifully and intricately designed lanterns is widespread across the Muslim world for decorative purposes, adorning homes and public spaces, and is one of the main symbols associated with Ramadan.
In Indonesia, a purification ritual known as padusan is performed to cleanse the body and the spirit for fasting. Javanese Muslims plunge themselves in natural pools or springs in preparation for the sacred month.
The sighting of the New Moon, marking the arrival of Eid Al Fitr and commemorating the end of the holy month of Ramadan, is fused with festive cultural components and celebrated as Chaan Raat in South Asian countries such as Pakistan. As the month comes to an end, Eid Al Fitr celebrations are ripe with gift-giving, visiting loved ones, dressing up and giving to charity.
Ramadan Kareem!
Sources:
https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/ramadan-how-moon-sighting-sets-the-holy-month-in-motion-6633 4
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Ramadan
https://www.vox.com/2017/5/25/11851766/what-is-ramadan-muslim-islam-about https://www.karamfoundation.org/ramadan-traditions-around-the-world/
https://www.gulf-times.com/article/678745/qatar/ramadan-cannon-sound-of-a-tradition-that-lives-on https://www.nationalgeographic.com/culture/article/ramadan
By Jude Shihab
The Arab and Islamic world is responsible for both producing and preserving some of the wonders of the world. The detailed intricate designs of Islamic-era architecture have spread as far as Spain and Portugal, and the remains of Roman-era ruins are still prevalent across the Arab world. Here's a look at some of the most prominent landmarks of the Arab and Islamic world.
Iraq:
Malwiya Minaret:
Located in the ancient city of Samarra, this Minaret was constructed during the Abbasid Caliphate between the years 842-853 AD.
The unique minaret is characterised by its spiral design, with the name Malwiya being the Arabic word for ‘twisted’, and contains steps lining the outside of the spiral.
Abbasid Palace:
This Palace is the oldest building in the capital city of Baghdad, and was a creation under the Abbasid Caliphate in the 12th century.
It overlooks the Tigris river, and was originally built for the purpose of holding Islamic classes, and is characterised by the Abbasid style curved arches and ceilings.
Lebanon:
Baalbek Ruins:
Baalbek was nicknamed Heliopolis (the Sun City) by the Greeks as it was believed to be the area in which the sun was the strongest.
The Temple of Bacchus, whose construction began under the reign of Emperor Nero, draws inspiration from tributes to Greek Gods.
BeitEddine Palace:
Constructed under the rule of Emir Bechir Chehab II, this palace is a treasure of the 19th century, and became the residence of several leaders in Lebanon.
The Palace was inspired by both Arab and Italian Baroque styles of architecture.
Palestine:
Dome of the Rock:
Located in the vibrant city of Jerusalem, the Dome of the Rock is often held as a symbol of the city due to its unique golden dome.
It was constructed under the Umayyid Caliphate between 685-691 AD, and although it’s located in the Al-Aqsa complex, it's not actually a mosque, rather an attraction built around a rock located inside.
Hisham’s Palace:
Also built during the Umayyid Caliphate, this palace is one of the earliest Islamic works in Palestine, and is famous for its carefully crafted mosaic designs.
It was initially used as the winter residence of the Caliph, and then was transformed to be used for agricultural purposes by the Abbasid Caliphate.
Andalusia:
Alhambra:
The palace was named Alhambra due to its red tinted walls- In Arabic it was called ‘qal’at al hamra’ or the red castle, and was built between 1238-1358.
Located in the Andalucian city of Granada, the castle is a true testament to the genius and beauty of Islamic architecture, with Arabic script carved all around the walls of the castles.
Cordoba Mosque:
This mosque turned cathedral was first constructed by Abd Al Rahman III during the Islamic rule of Cordoba.
It is characterised by its continuous arches and open prayer hall filled with columns.
Morocco:
Hassan II Mosque:
Located in Casablanca, this mosque is one of the largest in Africa.
It was built in tribute to the King of Morocco who passed away in 1961, and drew inspiration from Moorish architecture as well as 20th century innovations.
Ait Ben Haddou:
This beautiful village in Morocco is distinguished by the continuous clay brick buildings and high fortress walls.
A prominent example of Moroccan Southern architecture, buildings such as ones in this village began construction as early as the 17th century.
Egypt:
Al-Azhar Mosque:
One of the most prominent mosques in Cairo, this structure was founded in 970 AD by the Fatimid Caliphate.
A school, or ‘Madrassa’ was established here in 988 AD which later transformed into a university, making it the second oldest educational institution in the world.
Pyramids of Giza:
Built in Giza in the North of Egypt, these pyramids are one of the great wonders of the world.
The pyramids were built as royal tombs for different ancient rulers, and are now open to tourists to visit, where they can see hieroglyphics on the walls as well as other artefacts.
Libya:
Ghadamis:
This Berber town is known as ‘The Pearl of the Desert’.
It is an urban desert settlement, filled with bright white buildings, and was a key economic and cultural location for the trans-Saharan trade route.
Leptis Magna:
This was regarded as one of the most beautiful Roman cities at the time of the empire, and currently lies on the coast of Libya southeast of Tripoli.
The ruins are characterised by the pale coloured stone, Roman theatre and recurring arches and columns.
Syria:
Umayyid Mosque:
As the name suggests, this Mosque was built under the Umayyad Caliphate, and is one of the largest and oldest mosques in the world, located in Damascus.
It possesses a grand courtyard, and is characterised by its columns as well as the embellished walls.
Damascus Courtyard Homes:
A focal point of Syrian history is the architecture of old Syrian homes, which were designed with an open courtyard in the centre of the home.
These courtyards characterised the Damascan style homes, especially the unique black and cream tiles which were used to create patterns. But it was also the arches and plentiful greenery which surrounded the space, and gave it life.
Jordan:
Petra:
Petra is one of the great wonders of the world, and was built by Nabataean Arabs near the Jordanian-Palestinian border.
The unique structure was built into mountains, and soon the city became vibrant and grew rich due to the trade of frankincense and spices.
Roman Theatre:
Located in the capital Amman, this structure is one of the best preserved Roman Theatres in the world.
Amman was previously called Philadelphia by the Romans, and it was their Emperor Pius who ordered the building of this monument.
Sources:
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20201003-discover-the-malwiya-minaret-of-samarra-iraq/
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Ishtar-Gate
https://www.everycastle.com/Abbasid-Palace.html
https://whc.unesco.org/en/tentativelists/5880/
https://www.visit-lebanon.org/leisure/beiteddine
https://www.everycastle.com/Beiteddine-Palace.html
https://whc.unesco.org/en/tentativelists/6546/
https://www.alhambradegranada.org/en/info/historicalintroduction.asp
https://smarthistory.org/the-great-mosque-of-cordoba/
https://mosqpedia.org/en/mosque/329
https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/444/
https://www.lonelyplanet.com/egypt/cairo/attractions/al-azhar-mosque/a/poi-sig/406208/355225
https://www.britannica.com/topic/Pyramids-of-Giza
https://www.britannica.com/place/Leptis-Magna
https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/362/
https://www.baytalfann.com/post/the-art-and-heritage-of-courtyard-homes-in-syria
https://www.visitpetra.jo/Pages/viewpage.aspx?pageID=124
https://www.historyhit.com/locations/amman-roman-theatre/
By Hamza Reedy
The Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, a land basked in sunshine, holds a promising key to addressing its energy challenges through the harnessing of solar power. While the region has long been synonymous with oil and gas, the abundant resource of the sun presents an unparalleled opportunity for sustainable development. This shift towards renewable energy is not just environmentally crucial but economically strategic, offering a pathway to diversify energy sources, stimulate technological innovation, and reduce carbon emissions.
In Egypt, the monumental Aswan High Dam, harnessing the waters of the Nile at Lake Nasser, stands as a testament to the country’s early endeavors in renewable energy. Initiated in the 1960s under President Gamal Abdel Nasser, this colossal infrastructure project was not only aimed at controlling the annual flood of the Nile but also at generating hydroelectric power, marking Egypt’s foray into renewable energy sources. Today, the Aswan High Dam contributes significantly to Egypt’s electricity needs, providing both a reliable source of renewable energy and a means of irrigation to boost agricultural productivity. Its creation, while controversial for its environmental and social impacts, highlighted Egypt’s pioneering role in the region’s renewable energy landscape, showcasing the potential of natural resources in contributing to sustainable energy solutions. [2]
Morocco’s commitment to renewable energy is exemplified by its ambitious solar energy projects, marking it as a frontrunner in the MENA region’s green energy transition. The kingdom’s strategic investment in the Noor Ouarzazate Solar Complex, the world’s largest concentrated solar power plant, reflects its vision to harness the abundant sunlight that bathes the country. This sprawling solar facility is part of Morocco’s broader plan to source 52% of its energy from renewable sources by 2030, a testament to its dedication to sustainability and environmental stewardship. Beyond Ouarzazate, Morocco’s renewable energy strategy encompasses wind and hydroelectric power, with projects like the Tarfaya Wind Farm and the expansion of hydropower capacities. These initiatives not only contribute to reducing carbon emissions but also play a crucial role in meeting the growing energy demands of the country, promoting rural electrification, and fostering economic development through the creation of green jobs and technology transfer. [3]
In the Gaza Strip, a narrow enclave facing chronic electricity shortages, solar energy has emerged as a beacon of hope. Amidst ongoing blockades and limited access to conventional energy sources, the installation of solar panels across rooftops, schools, hospitals, and agricultural farms represents a vital shift towards sustainability and resilience. Solar cells in Gaza are not just about generating electricity; they’re a lifeline, reducing the reliance on erratic power supplies and enabling essential services to operate uninterrupted. Despite the challenges, including limited access to materials and funding, the adoption of solar energy in Gaza underscores the enclave’s determination to harness renewable resources. This initiative not only alleviates some of the hardships faced by its residents but also sets a precedent for renewable energy solutions in conflict-affected areas, demonstrating how innovation and sustainability can thrive even in the most challenging environments. Unfortunately, these have been mostly destroyed since the IDF have leveled most of the buildings in the recent ethinic cleansing campaign since october 7.[7]
Jordan is not far behind, with substantial investments in solar and wind projects, leveraging the region’s geographic advantages for renewable energy production [4]. Saudi Arabia and Qatar are significantly advancing their solar energy plans as part of broader initiatives to diversify their energy sources and reduce carbon emissions. Saudi Arabia, with its Vision 2030, aims to generate 50% of its electricity from renewable sources by 2030. The kingdom has embarked on major solar projects, such as the Al Shuaibah PV 1 and Al Shuaibah PV 2 in Makkah province, with a combined capacity of over 2.6 gigawatts, sufficient to power approximately 450,000 households [5].
Additionally, Saudi Arabia’s National Renewable Energy Programme is aggressively adding capacity, with aims to install 27.5 GW of solar power by 2030. The government is leveraging competitive auctions, bilateral utility contracts, corporate power purchase agreements (PPAs), and state-owned projects to meet its ambitious renewable energy targets. This includes plans for significant projects like the 2.6 GW Al Shuaibah solar plant, backed by the National Development Fund, showcasing the nation’s stride towards its net-zero target by 2060 [6]. Qatar is known for its significant investment in the solar sector as part of its national strategy to diversify energy sources and reduce dependence on hydrocarbons.
Qatar’s National Vision 2030 places a strong emphasis on sustainable development, including the expansion of renewable energy sources to ensure environmental and economic sustainability [1].
The renewable energy initiatives across the MENA region signify a transformative era towards sustainability and energy independence. From Egypt’s integration of hydropower and renewables around the Aswan High Dam, Morocco’s pioneering solar projects like the Noor Ouarzazate Solar Complex, to the resilience of Gaza harnessing solar cells amidst adversity, these efforts reflect a collective stride towards mitigating climate change while addressing energy security. The future holds the promise of a fully renewable-powered MENA region, where technological advancements and international cooperation could further enhance energy efficiency, storage capabilities, and cross-border energy trade. This vision not only aligns with global sustainability goals but also heralds a new chapter of economic prosperity, environmental stewardship, and social equity, as renewable energy becomes the cornerstone of the region’s development.
References
[1] Al kharsaah: Pioneering solar power plant in qatar. TotalEnergies, 2023.
[2] Aswan high dam, 2023.
[3] The future of renewable energy in the middle east and north africa, 2023
[4] Jordan Times. 16 renewable energy projects underway in jordan — jreeef. Aug 2023.
[5] H. Liepmannsohn. Saudi arabia’s solar market. PV Magazine International, Mar 2023.
[6] A. Nagraj. Two major saudi solar projects reach financial close with investment of $2.4bn. The National, Aug 2023.
[7] E. Tegler. Electricity trickles from vulnerable solar panels on gaza roofs. Forbes, Nov 2023.
By Abdullah Khasawneh
Arab migration to South America is deeply entrenched in historical factors that shaped the demographic landscape of the region. The late 19th and early 20th centuries saw a significant influx of Arab immigrants to South American countries. Economic opportunities in nations like Brazil, Argentina, and Colombia served as major pull factors, enticing many Arabs to seek a new life in these countries. Simultaneously, political instability in the Middle East acted as a significant push factor, compelling individuals and families to embark on long and arduous journeys to South America in search of stability and a better future. This intertwining of push and pull factors has left an indelible mark on the Arab migration to South America.
Historical Roots of Arab Migration to South America
The historical roots of Arab migration to South America stem from a combination of push and pull factors. Economic opportunities in South American countries, particularly in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, played a pivotal role in attracting Arab migrants. The promise of agricultural and industrial prospects, coupled with the allure of owning land, drew many from the Arab world to the fertile soils of South America. Simultaneously, political instability in the Middle East, including the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and subsequent geopolitical turmoil, acted as a significant push factor, compelling Arab families to seek stability and prosperity across the Atlantic. This interplay of push and pull factors influenced and shaped the early waves of Arab migration to South America, leaving a lasting impact on both the Arab and South American cultures.
The Far-Reaching Influence of Arab Migration in South America
The impact and influence of Arab migration on South America have been profound, as evident in the integration and preservation of Arab cultural identity. Arab migrants have played a pivotal role in shaping the economic and social landscape of South American countries. Their contributions are ubiquitous, spanning various sectors such as commerce, agriculture, and industry. Moreover, Arab communities have influenced local culture, culinary traditions, and societal practices, enriching the multicultural of South America. The enduring legacy of Arab migration is palpable in the vibrant and dynamic fusion of traditions and customs that have become a part of the fabric of South American societies.
The Historical Roots and Enduring Legacy of Arab Migration to South America
In summary, the historical roots of Arab migration to South America can be traced back to the late 19th and early 20th centuries when economic opportunities in South American countries and political instability in the Middle East acted as push and pull factors influencing the migration. This migration has left a profound and enduring legacy in South America. Through cultural integration and the preservation of Arab identity, Arab migrants have had a substantial impact on the social and economic landscape of South American countries. Their influence can be seen in local culture, food, and traditions, reflecting the lasting legacy of Arab migration in South America.
References:
https://guides.lib.utexas.edu/ArabsinLatAm
https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/display/document/obo-9780199766581/obo-9780199766581-0193.xml
https://www.arabnews.com/node/2076336/middle-east
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By Nadine El-Sharkawi
In the pursuit of sustainable development, the convoluted connection between food, water, and energy stands as the backbone. It is widely known that the food-water-energy nexus is fundamental not only for the security of human lives but also for the stability of a country’s economy.
The intricacy of these connections can be exemplified by the following detrimental effects when there is a scarcity or lack of just one of these factors; amidst various environmental challenges discussed at COP28, the focal point was the alarming scarcity of water in the MENA region. To put this in perspective, Iraq loses 8–12 million cubic meters of surface water annually; Libya loses over 25,000 lives due to water dam breaks as a result of poor water infrastructure; Egypt struggles due to high population pressure; Jordan loses 60 litres of water per day, resulting in being the second most scarce water source in the world after Somalia. Therefore, the scarcity of water leads to inevitable insecurities in energy and, hence, a lack of food production. Shockingly, according to UNICEF, almost 90% of the children in the MENA Region live in areas of high water stress. As we can see, the security of water, food, and energy is not merely a prerequisite for our survival but a decisive factor when it comes to defining the quality of life.
Based on the World Bank’s Report in the MENA Region, it is predicted that by 2050, many countries in the region will run out of groundwater, meaning that production is meant to drop by 60% in some countries. However, despite this, a lot of countries in the MENA region have the opportunity to transition to their dependence on renewable energy sources while simultaneously reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
Through active international cooperation and innovative technologies, we can drive the transition from scarcity to security. For example, the ongoing collaboration between the Netherlands, Lebanon, and Oman has a specific focus on enhancing water management. More specifically, the establishment of the Oman Netherlands Task Force on Water in 2017 has allowed for constant developments towards the nexus. This relationship is mutually beneficial in nature; some may label it an exchange of reciprocal assistance. Through assistance, the Ministry of Agriculture of Oman is seeking to improve water use efficiency through subsurface irrigation. Thus, active cooperation and experienced knowledge play a vital role in water management, especially in the MENA region.
Innovative technology can be used as a means to tackle the current water issues; this has been done in Saudi Arabia. The active efforts from the government range from the ‘Qatrah’ (droplet) project to the current ‘the Line Project’. The former intends to reduce daily per capita consumption to 150 litres per capita by 2030, with an emphasis on the agricultural sector. Whereas the latter is a 170 km long city line fully, in other words, 100% powered by renewable energy, utilizing solar and wind energy to fulfill its electricity, water, and food demands. The Line addressed water scarcity through an innovative design known as water-efficient design. Firstly, it was designed to balance sunlight, shade, and ventilation, resulting in an ideal climate all year round, hence minimizing water usage for temperature control. In addition, green open spaces will replace the constant need for artificial cooling. Moreover, the wastewater will be treated for industrial processes, reducing the strain on freshwater resources as well as installing small desalination plants for localized water sources. The project is implementing a holistic approach combining sustainable design, renewable energy, and water management to tackle the environmental challenges it faces. These projects allow Saudi Arabia to move away from reliance on fossil fuels to the utilization of renewable energy resources instead.
The projects adopted by Saudi Arabia are a strong indicator of the possibility of overcoming the environmental crisis the MENA region is facing today. However, there are some countries in the MENA Region that don’t progress in terms of using renewable energy sources or tackling the water crisis, this is due to political instability that does not allow for effective government strategies. Hence, each country faces a water crisis for a different reason, whether it's due to high population growth or poor management of water systems. With technological advancements, correct funding from the government, and diplomatic and international relations, countries may curb the devastating and harmful impacts of these challenges.
Sources:
https://climate-diplomacy.org/case-studies/security-implications-growing-water-scarcity-egypt
https://blogs.worldbank.org/arabvoices/water-food-and-energy-arab-world-collective-challenge
Saudi Arabia launches program for a drastic reduction in water use | WaterWorld
Saudi Arabia reveals details of The Line project in Neom – Business Traveller
Neom: New satellite images show progress of Saudi Arabia's 'The Line' | Middle East Eye
By Laila Moaz
People often think they know what it's like to live as a Muslim woman in the MENA region; forced to wear the hijab, not permitted to work, and receiving the worst of the worst treatment from whatever man her parents set her up with. The issue of women’s rights in the region is too nuanced to be narrowed down to two isms - Feminism and Islamism. The region is also too diverse to be boiled down to merely Islamic fiqh (jurisprudence)/tradition when there is definitely more to it than that. However, due to religion being the majority, and the socio-political state of the region being focused on Islamic teachings, we find ourselves in this situation; where the leaders, the politicians, and the non-government groups dictate rules which (when actually researched) have no root in the religion on Islam.
Before beginning the discussion, a few things must be made clear. The first is that the discussion on Islamic Feminism does not involve the Sharia, or even the ‘Islam’, that the media advertises for us. Political Islamism, ‘Islamists’, ‘Jihadists’ and all these terms which are used when discussing the Muslim community in the MENA region refer to a particular and extreme group of people who seek to “spread the word of Islam” and “bring back the rule of Sharia.” It is incorrect and, quite frankly, unrighteous to associate all Muslims with political actors who purposefully misinterpret the Quran and Sharia to reap the benefits of such interpretation for their desires. Thus, the implementation of ‘Islamic teachings’ by individuals in positions of power should not act as a representation of what the religion, or the MENA region itself, stands for. Secondly, just like all religions and belief systems, many Islamic traditions stem from human understanding of what is written - it is subject to misinterpretation and change.
With the rise of feminism and feminist perspectives, (some) Arab women in the MENA region outright rejected the movement. Put yourself in the position of a woman in the region, who is still recovering from the effects of Western Imperialism and colonialism, would you give another ism any thought? In their minds, feminism is a thing of the West, something that does not belong in our society. “We do not need any more of their ideas” or “We’ve had enough” were probably the two main thoughts with the rise of feminist movements. Of course, there were many Arab feminists at the time, fighting for their rights and equal footing in society. And while viewing feminism as a completely Western ideology is inaccurate, there are many factors about this to consider which make this discussion much more complicated than this.
For starters, women’s rights in Islam (again the religion, not to be confused with political actors), are sufficient for women when discussed in consideration of societal norms in the region. The Muslim Arab woman can be satisfied with her life as a hijabi woman, as a mother (which we know is a job in and of itself), as a wife, as a friend, and so much more; and vice versa. However, Feminists in other parts of the world may find this to be anti-feminist. They are unsatisfied with our way of living when the individuals themselves who are living in such a life are perfectly okay with it. Over time, this causes a drift in the Feminist movement. It morphs into a plight which is not inclusive of every woman, simply because some women choose modesty, or choose to be a stay-at-home mom. This illustration doesn’t even begin to describe all the different women in the region. On the other end of the spectrum are the individuals (men) in the region who maintain positions of power and abuse women’s rights under Islam - the infamous example here being forcing the hijab on women in Iran. As previously mentioned, the media has used and abused this example as a representation of the treatment of women in the region. Due to situations like this, it becomes hard for Muslim women to argue for the hijab, or that they had freedom in their choice to wear it - when as a form of modesty, it’s empowering and inherently feminist.
It’s impossible to highlight all the different aspects of Islam which push for women’s rights in this article. What I will tell you is that MENA region women do not need to be saved by the West, and their framework of what they assume feminism should look like. I say this carefully of course, because there are a lot of women being oppressed in the region, but even if they do need help freeing themselves from patriarchal norms, a solution will not be found in the arguments posed by individuals who are not from the region itself. It is important to approach such issues carefully. Women who are willingly living financially dependent on their husbands are often happy to do so, and the world has progressed so much so that women have the choice of whether they want to do that or not. Dressing modestly is a choice (in most cases), and should not be taken as an offensive signal to diminishing feminist movements. Inheriting less than men in Islamic family law is not a way to oppress women - after getting the full picture of a Muslim Middle Eastern woman’s lifestyle there would be a greater understanding of this.
One cannot neglect the negative effects of political movements, governmental and non-governmental ones. Movements for the liberation of women from androcentric standards have taken, and are still taking place. Nevertheless, maintaining the Islam versus Feminism dichotomy is largely unhelpful, whether it be when the definitions of either term are broad or narrow. Especially since a true inspection of both terms leads to the conclusion that Islam, or any other belief system for that matter, is not the problem, but rather male leaders and their androcentric policies. Thus, discussions on this ought to be conducted with more inclusivity, considering that both ends of the spectrum, being an outright rejection of feminism and misrepresentation and dismissal of Islam, are damaging to women in the region.
Sources
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Islamic_feminism#Criticism
By Luca Schmit
Introduction:
A Syrian in Romania, an Algerian in East Germany, an Iraqi in the USSR and an Egyptian in Poland. Though this might sound like the start of the weirdest joke you’ve ever heard, it instead describes a phenomenon and sight that was common throughout the Eastern Bloc. Although often forgotten nowadays, the outbreak of the Cold War led to a struggle between the USA and the USSR to win over the hearts and minds of peoples who were outside the two blocs. While this struggle over influence was often expressed and maintained through military assistance, economic aid packages and political wheeling and dealing, an often neglected and unexplored aspect of this struggle over hearts and minds was in the realm of education and culture.
This was all the more pronounced in the case of the MENA region. Emerging from decolonization and underdevelopment the region in the aftermath of WWII was especially eager to expand its international connections and provide educational opportunities to its citizens. Furthermore, due to its logical distrust of Western interests and the impact of colonial trauma, the MENA region was particularly receptive to Soviet assistance and its undertones of combatting neo-colonial influence and ensuring national development. This all meant that, despite broadly remaining unaligned and attempting to play the two power blocs off one another, the region as a whole saw a process of countless of its students studying and receiving higher education in the Eastern Bloc.
In revealing and exploring these experiences what we uncover is a fascinating connection between the MENA region and Eastern and Central Europe, which is astounding both in its scale and breadth and in the depth of the impacts and legacies it has left behind. Studying abroad in the ideological environment of the Eastern Bloc not only shaped how MENA students saw themselves and the world but also provided many of them the tools, knowledge and skills to gain their respective countries’ independence and formulate a sense of identity in a highly tumultuous world order. That is why in this article we will examine not only how MENA students were selected to study in the Eastern Bloc but also what their experiences of this were, including notable cases, and the impacts it had on the region both in the short and long term.
The Politics of International Education:
As one might imagine, like today, students who wanted to study abroad were expected to meet certain requirements. However, unlike most of our modern experiences, higher educational criteria for foreign students during the Cold War were noticeably different. In the case of the Eastern Bloc, selection was guided by the concept of ‘social transformation’. Stemming from both ideological and geopolitical concerns, the USSR saw higher education as an opportunity to cultivate and essentially create a socialist intelligentsia and leadership which, once they had returned to their home countries, could serve as the vanguard for revolution and social change. The goal of international education programs therefore was to foment social transformation and empower non-dominant social classes in states where the Eastern Bloc had interests and to also validate its ideology.
As a result, international education programs provided by the Eastern Bloc focused significantly on both a student’s class background, as might be expected, and the extent of their support for communist ideology or engagement in anti-imperialist struggles. The inherent desire of the USSR to develop a new technical elite also meant that international education programs in the Eastern Bloc primarily focused on applied and natural sciences. These factors, instead of discouraging MENA participation, in some ways encouraged it. Not only was the MENA of the 50’s and 60’s home to a variety of left-wing movements, thereby providing a promising recruitment pool of socialist minded students, but the focus of Soviet international education on training lower class students in the sciences was extremely enticing both for the governments of a region that desperately needed technical know-how and for peasant and working class students who wanted to move up in the world.
These selection pressures were also then backed up by deliberate Soviet attention towards cultivating educational relations with MENA states through official agreements and intergovernmental conferences. This in some ways arguably tempered the ideological dimension and made educating valuable specialists in a communist environment more palatable to some states such as Egypt. Throughout 1957 exhibits on the subject of studying abroad in the USSR were organized by Soviet cultural centers in Egypt, Syria and Lebanon that drew tens of thousands of visitors. Not only that but technical and cultural cooperation agreements were also signed between the USSR and countries such as Syria (1956), Egypt (1957) and Iraq (1959). This also occurred with other Eastern Bloc countries such as the agreement reached by Bulgaria and Syria (1962) and fascinatingly an agreement made between Egypt and East Berlin in 1965, four years before Egypt even diplomatically recognized East Germany as a country.
Some of this diplomatic courting was noticeably more direct. Probably the most on the nose example was when Bulgaria renamed its institute for foreign students at the University of Sofia to the Institute Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1970 after his passing. Other, more subtle examples, feature the establishment by countries such as the USSR and Czechoslovakia of educational institutions specifically geared to educating students from the Third World such as the Patrice Lumumba Peoples’ Friendship University, which still operates in Russia today, and the University of the 17th of November in Prague. Another fascinating example is the role several Eastern Bloc states played in helping finance and build schools and educational institutions throughout the MENA region such as the Technical Institute of Helwan (Egypt), Technical School of Tabriz (Iran), Training Centre for the National Railways (Iraq) or even the Institute of Engineering (Tunis).
As a result of all of this, the extent of MENA participation in Soviet international education programs was rather staggering. From the period from 1966 to 1967 around 6,761 students from selected Arab countries studied in the Eastern Bloc (not including the whole MENA region) with most students from lower to middle class backgrounds studying in order to acquire a PhD after a 3 year program. Overall, these students not only lacked the need to pay tuition fees but were also given assistance from both the USSR and their home country while additionally experiencing lower living costs than what they would have faced by studying in the West. In terms of the fields studied data from 1963 suggests that 40.6% of MENA students pursued fields such as engineering, transport, industry and communications technologies; 25.4% in medicine and medical specializations; 21.7% in economics or law; 6.2% in agronomy and the remaining 6.1% in the humanities and the arts.
Overall, as the data and the historiography suggest, significant numbers of MENA students went on to study throughout the Eastern Bloc during the Cold War. Conversely, the USSR and its satellite states were deeply interested in fostering educational participation from the MENA region. However, despite all this evidence, the true transformative power of Soviet international education, particularly as desired by the USSR itself, was not always realized. The USSR sought to remake the world through education, to bolster anti-imperialist struggles and expand its orbit, and it would only be in a few specific cases where this was successfully accomplished, if only briefly. We now turn to one of those examples.
A Case Study:
Soviet Education and Algerian Independence & Cinema A defining example of the ability and success of Soviet international education programs at shaping anti-imperialist struggles and expand socialist beliefs throughout the world is the case of Algeria. In some ways the situation in Algeria was conducive to the Soviet concept of ‘social transformation’. The active waging of an independence war by the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN) meant that there was an acute need for support, both in waging the war, and in developing expertise that would help the country rebuild and develop after it. Furthermore, the broad anti-imperialist context of the struggle fitted nicely with communist ideology and led to an eagerness by Eastern Bloc governments to participate and assist in the country’s struggle for liberation.
Consequently, a tight working relationship emerged between Algerian revolutionary organizations and cultural and education institutions in the Eastern Bloc both at home and abroad. From the Algerian side the effort was spearheaded by organizations such as the FLN and the Union Générale des Etudiants Musulmans Algériens (UGEMA) whose members feature prominently in the Algerian students selected to study abroad in the Eastern Bloc. On the socialist side the coordination and provision of assistance and educational opportunities to Algerian students was led by the International Union of Students, based in Prague, and bodies such as the Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee (including its East German variant) and specific institutions such as the Patrice Lumumba Peoples’ Friendship University which saw 42 Algerian students from UGEMA admitted to it amongst a class of 253 students from the whole of the MENA region (c.17%).
The most immediate and important form of assistance rendered by the Eastern Bloc during the Algerian War of Independence was as a safe-haven for Algerian refugees (with East Germany alone hosting 200) and by educating Algerian students in medical and technical expertise. These experiences shaped students as much as they shaped the societies they found refuge in. One prominent example is in the case of Mustapha Negadi who was granted a scholarship through the IUS and studied at the prestigious Sechenov Medical Institute in Moscow from which he would help treat wounded Algerian fighters and, once independence was achieved, would become a prominent psychiatrist and author of the book “An Algerian-Soviet Novel” which reflects the impact studying in the USSR had for him and others like him.
Another prominent example is Mohamed Lakhdar Benhassine, an economist, who attended Moscow State University from 1956 to 1962 and who then pursued his postgraduate studies at the Higher School of Economics in East Berlin, graduating in 1967. After his studies Benhassine went on to become a prominent Marxist economist and academic in Algeria, leading the outlawed Socialist Vanguard Party, and after his passing in 2014 being dubbed by one newspaper as “the man who saved the honor of the Algerian University”. The example of Benhassine also reflects the focus and emphasis that Soviet international education programs placed on fields such as the sciences and economics, and which demonstrates how educational assistance was geared towards helping a country’s development and also in cultivating a socialist-minded elite that could lead the country after independence.
However, this educational assistance was not only successful in providing medical treatment to Algerian independence fighters or fielding a newly independent state with economic advisors but also, fascinatingly, helped shape the country’s cultural horizons. Two notable examples are Mohand Ali Yahia and Boubaker Adjali who studied at the East Berlin Film School and the Prague Film and TV School respectively and which often prominently featured documentaries or films covering various anti-colonial struggles such as, of course, the Algerian War of Independence but also movements such as those fighting Portuguese colonialism. The most triumphant example of this was to be found in the work of Mohammed Lakhdar-Hamina who in 1966 won the prestigious Best First Work award at the Cannes Film Festival for his film ‘The Winds of the Aures’ and who is today widely regarded as one of the founding fathers of Algerian cinema.
What this meant, crucially, for Algeria, is that through Soviet international education programs the country was able to begin to conceptualize and define itself in the international order. The education opportunities provided by the Eastern Bloc provided essential cultural tools and means through which Algerian film-makers, writers and artists could criticize and challenge Western cultural dominance and also, crucially, give these artists certain terms, languages and concepts through which they could define themselves. The very fact that an Eastern Bloc educated Algerian film-maker, such as Lakhdar-Hamina, could win one of the most prestigious awards in Western cinema for a work that saliently and unreservedly depicted the Algerian War of Independence, during a festival held in France no less, was a moment of triumph, pride and identity for a country that in 1966 was only 4 years old and still grappling with its position, culture and sense of nationhood within the wider world.
A Fallen Wall and a Bygone Connection:
Although it has now been 35 years and counting since the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, the realities that dominated the period and shaped the minds of so many MENA students still undeniably remain. For a MENA student studying in the Eastern Bloc not only meant socio-economic advancement and the chance to see new parts of the world but also often meant gaining a new sense of identity and pride. For countries such as Algeria the prospect of Soviet international education programs meant everything from ensuring national development to elevating its culture and thereby challenging Western cultural dominance. It helped foster a connection which provided educational opportunities and resources at a crucial point in the MENA’s history where it distinctively needed them. Thereby leaving a profound and lasting connection.
The profoundness of the connection is also reflected in the notable MENA populations that still exist in some Eastern European countries today. A fascinating example of this is Romania which today has a population of around 10,000 with links to the MENA region and which has sought, as recently as March of 2023, to acquire official status as a minority within the country. This also reflected in the sheer numbers of MENA students that studied there during the Cold War with one unsourceable claim stating, though rather dubiously, that around 500,000 of them studied in Romania during the 1980’s*** . One may also highlight other examples of MENA prominence such as the contributions made by them in countries Bulgaria, Yugoslavia or in East Germany which all today still have occasional traces and echoes of the connection that used to exist between them.
However, in some ways the impact of Soviet international education has been largely forgotten and minimized. To some extent this is due to the fact that the Eastern Bloc lost the Cold War. With many of its innovations, realities and particularities banished to historical oblivion or neglect. Another reason was the lack of success of actual revolutions shaped by Soviet ideology and objectives. As reports by the USSR itself indicate, many international students did not end up, as hoped for, assume dominant positions or spearhead social change in their respective countries. This was partly due to the fact that empowering lower classes to overthrow the dominant ruling groups was more challenging and costly than simply educating and courting current ruling classes, as American international education programs tended to do.
Whatever the reasons for its overall failure, the history of Soviet international education programs remains nevertheless relevant. Not only are there still countless MENA students who studied in the Eastern Bloc that are alive today, whose experiences unfortunately have been little listened to, but their experiences also reflect a wider narrative and story of the MENA region consistently seeking to expand its connections with the rest of the world. It shows how through international cooperation and exchange the region was able to identify, rebuild and re-imagine itself after the cataclysmic and traumatic events of the 20th century and particularly the challenges posed by decolonization. It also reflects and makes undeniable a connection between the MENA region and Eastern Europe which many people might like to ignore or dismiss as insignificant, which the roughly 6,761 MENA students who studied in the Eastern Bloc in 1966-67 might disagree with.
*** Official statistics from the Soviet and Russian ministry of education indicate that around 500,000 students, worldwide, participated in Soviet international education programs during the entirety of the Cold War. Therefore, the claim that an equal number of MENA students studied in just Romania in just the 1980’s seems impossible though if anything illustrative of a perception of the influence of such students for the country’s history.
Sources:
Patrice Lumumba Peoples' Friendship University of Russia - Wikipedia
Soviet Afro-Asian Solidarity Committee - Wikipedia
Arabs in Romania - Wikipedia
Ali Yahia Abdennour - Wikipedia
Mohammed Lakhdar-Hamina - Wikipedia
After Independence, Algeria Launched an Experiment in Self-Managing Socialism
The Socialist Countries, North Africa and the Middle East in the Cold War: The Educational Connection | Contemporary European History | Cambridge Core
International Education during the Cold War: Soviet Social Transformation and American Social Reproduction | Comparative Education Review: Vol 52, No 2
By Nabiha Duaa
Renowned for being the longest river in the world, its flow covering a distance of 6,600 kilometers before emptying into the Mediterranean Sea, the Nile River bears a central role in Egyptian History. Trademarked by the people as ‘Egypt’s bloodline’, it has been a constant force, nurturing life and civilizations nestled along its banks. Gifted with a nutrient rich fertile soil, it’s strategic location and annual flooding (although a double-edged sword), the river has shaped Egypt’s destiny. Uniquely situated in the heart of Egypt, it was bound to become part of the nation’s identity.
With roots tracing back to the Pharaohs the annual flooding of the Nile formulated a natural irrigation system for the Egyptians; ultimately producing nutrient rich silt. This caused a chain reaction in the agricultural system: a pillar of prosperity in ancient Egypt. The nutrient rich soil gave life to prospect of cultivating vast staple crops such as wheat, barley and flax, evolving into the widely loved Egyptian Bread recurring all throughout Egyptian cuisine. In addition to this, the Nile River was also an ideal growing location for the papyrus plant which is known for its use in making paper. Such an important discovery gave way to Egypt to participate in a whole new market segment other than just agriculture, as papyrus was eventually also used to make cloth, boxes and ropes. As such the Egyptian population was sustained for millennia yet more importantly the plethora of products reaped from the Nile opened the gateway to trade and commerce beyond Egypt’s territory.
Because of this, the Nile soon also became an economic artery; not only did it produce agricultural goods to be exported, but also became a route for transport. Even today, some residents of El Qahira have started to use water taxis, speed boats, or ferries to avoid crowded streets. Not just that, the navigable canals truly are the most significant to the transport of heavy goods. To put it into perspective, there are around 2,000 miles of navigable waterways in total, and about half of this is on the Nile which is navigable throughout its length. The natural currents gave way for easy transport and soon, the development of sophisticated economic system in ancient Egypt was well underway.
The Nile slowly found its way into the roots of Egypt’s cultural identity; many superstitions and legends were formulated on the Nile. Ancient Egyptians revered the Nile to be a genuine force capable of giving life, thus the Nile was associated with various deities and ended up having a more religious status too as it was incorporated into religious rituals. Many festivals would celebrate its annual inundation, known as “Akhet”, which was seen as the arrival of the goddess Mehet-Weret (“The Great Flood”) and deity Hapi who brought fertility to the land. At a time, the Nile was an ultimate symbol of the circle of life and the interconnectedness between the river and the people; it held a great spiritual meaning as it was seen as a passageway between life and death which came into existence when Osiris, another local deity, was believed to be the king of the Underworld residing in the Nile. Nile thus heavily supported and influenced the self determination of Ancient Egyptians and formulated their initial religious beliefs.
Eventually, the river also became a site for flourishing urban development. Cities like Memphis and Thebes were built along its banks and prospered, becoming centers of administration, culture and learning. Memphis grew to be a territory that held a lot of political power, largely due to its religious influence. Coronation ceremonies and jubilees for the Kings would be held at Memphis. In fact, Memphis was even seen as a second capital of Egypt. Thebes was previously known as the royal capital of Egypt, but even after the Memphis gained more political power (royal residences were moved to Memphis), Thebes was still greatly honored by Kings and was the site to many temples. Present day Thebes area (constituting of Luxor, the Valley of the Kings, and Karnak) was designated to be a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1979. The Nile practically nurtured these cities, its assets being essential for the sustenance and growth of these centers which had such significance that it was transmitted beyond time and history.
One of the wonders of the Nile is that the natural deserts and cataracts that nestle around fulfilled a strategic purpose of defense. These formations made invading Egypt’s territory an incredibly ambitious task. This gave Ancient Egyptians a strategic advantage; they did not have to actively invest more into a defense system, rather they were able to use nature itself as a weapon against external threats. At the time, such protection was also essential as colonial powers realized Nile was a vital asset. The British Empire was concerned with wanting to control Nile’s water resources and wanted to secure influence over its surrounding areas as well, and the French Empire was concerned with wanting its geographical advantage. The Nile became a shield, a safe harbor, preserving the culture and civilization of Egypt, and also found itself being a hot topic in the geopolitical landscape of Africa.
What many may have overlooked is how the Nile has contributed to the architectural wonders that Egypt is well known for. From the Pyramids of Giza to temples like Luxor and Karnak, these wonders were built up using the resources from the Nile. Ancient Egyptians exploited parts of the Nile to extract tons and tons of limestone and granite which were used to build pyramids. The river essentially breathed life into the construction of these monuments, and they carried on and stood through time to become symbols of the power and sophistication of Ancient Egypt.
The Nile is not just a mere additional feature to Egypt’s vast portfolio of wonders, but rather a foundation for Egypt’s civilization and culture. Without the Nile, Egypt’s civilization would have not developed the way it did; due to the lack of rain, the Nile was a primary source of
water for crops and various other purposes for Ancient Egyptians. It built the Egyptian civilization block by block, even forming a part of Egypt’s spiritual history. It has contributed greatly to the agriculture and economy of Egypt and has thus propagated Egypt’s culture and development. It is one of the biggest reasons why Egyptian civilization has endured through time and left a mark all over the world – it truly lives up to its title of being the bloodline of Egypt.
Sources:
https://education.nationalgeographic.org/resource/nile-river/
https://www.britannica.com/place/Egypt/Transportation-and-telecommunications
https://www.ancient-origins.net/ancient-places-africa/nile-river-008937
https://www.britannica.com/place/Thebes-ancient-Egypt
https://www.africanelements.org/news/unveiling-the-nile-rivers-influence-on-ancient- egyptian-civilization/
https://edition.cnn.com/2022/09/02/world/nile-river-egypt-pyramid-scn- trnd/index.html#:~:text=Scientists%20have%20long%20theorized%20that,sites%20to%20 be%20of%20use
https://www.britannica.com/place/Memphis-ancient-city-Egypt
By Malahat Mammadova
Arabic fragrances are often praised for their rich and reputable formulas, gaining popularity far beyond the Middle East. Despite this, most perfume connoisseurs aren’t familiar with the cultural hallmarks and generations of traditions that are carried within these bottles of perfume. This can be demonstrated through the complex path taken by travellers through the Ancient Incesnse Route, encompassing roads and towns as unique and complex as the sough- after scents themselves.
While most people will immediately have their mind drift to the Silk Road when discussing notable historic trade routes, few are aware of the Incense Route and its magnificent backstory. This ancient network of trade routes extended over two thousand kilometres of sea and land to facilitate the transport of frankincense and myrrh from Yemen and Oman in the Arabian Peninsula to the Mediterranean. The route carrying these precious commodities, found exclusively in Somalia, Ethiopia and southern Arabia, also oversaw the trade of pearls and animal skin. The trade of the treasured frankincense, a symbol of celebration and commemoration used during wedding ceremonies and burials, spanned from 7th century BC to the 2nd century AD.
The trade route of aromatics spanned over multiple modern-day countries, with the journey commencing in Oman and continuing to the southern tip of the Arabian peninsula in modern- day Yemen with its Gulf of Aden from which merchants would ship their products to faraway ports in India and China. Egyptian ports received products throug the Red Sea. Meanwhile, caravans carried varieties of aromatics and other highly sought after goods northward in caravans to hubs such as Gaza, Petra, Mecca and Medina. To the west, frankincense and other commodities shipped from the peninsula were valued in the Hellenistic-Roman world.
With ithe prominence of trade between 5th century BC and 1st century AD, entire cities and kingdoms were developed long the route, which created mass wealth for its rulers. Trade in luxury aromatics reached its heyday as the Nabataean tribe, originally from the Arabian interior, took control in the 1st century BCE during which they blended characteritisc of diverse cultures in a civilization driven by wealth derived from trade, particularly in frankincense.
The developmenta and expansion of the route was a hallmark in the history of the region, highlighting its economic prowess and abaility to utilise maritime routes that are relevant to global trade to this day. The routes also provided a means of passage not only for frankincense and other trade goods but also for people and ideas, cementing the role and influence of the MENA in ancient times.
Sources:
https://www.studysmarter.co.uk/explanations/history/modern-world-history/incense-route/ https://www.livius.org/articles/place/incense-route/
https://www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/article/paid-content-scent-and-spice-alulas- incense-road
By Janine Khoury-Brouwer
I- Fast facts:
- There are over 300 million native Arabic speakers, making it the 5th most spoken language.
- It is the official language of 22 countries.
- Arabic is a member of the semitic language family, which also includes: Aramaic, Amharic,
Phoenician, Assyrian and Hebrew.
II- History:
Classical Arabic
- Originated over 1000 years ago in Mecca, Saudi Arabia
- Spread across North Africa, the Middle East and Iberian regions
- Many regional dialects developed which are still in use today
Modern Standard Arabic (MSA)
- Developed after the formation of dialects in order to organize the arabic language
- Currently used in writing and formal contexts
- The language taught in schools and considered the “official” arabic language, in contrast with
regional dialects
III- Structure of the language:
- Written horizontally from right to left
- There are 28 letters in the arabic alphabet
- Each letter has 4 different forms depending on its position within the word
- The language follows the abjad system, meaning that all 28 symbols represent only consonants
There are additional diacritics* called “tahrik”, which include vowel terms called “harakat”
*diacritics are glyph additions to basic letters, also referred to as accents. For instance: e, é, è, and ê.
IV- Dialect groups:
There are over 30 types of modern arabic language, which can be categorized into 4 main dialect groups:
- Levantine:
Where? The Levant including Lebanon, Syria, Palestine and Jordan
Words typical of the dialect (in MSA):
How are you: Kifak (kayfa halouka حالك كيف(
Now: Hala (al an اآلن(
What: Shou (matha ماذا(
- Maghrebi:
Where? Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya
Words typical of the dialect (in MSA):
How are you: Wash rak (kayfa halouka حالك كيف(
Please: Aafak (arjouk ارجوك(
Store: Hanout (matjar متجر(
- Egyptian:
Where? Egypt
Words typical of the dialect (in MSA):
How are you: Izzayak (kayfa halouka حالك كيف(
I want: Aayiz (ouridou اريد(
I don’t know: Ma'rafsh (la aalam اعلم ال(
- Gulf:
Where? The Arab Gulf including but not limited to Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar and Bahrain
Words typical of the dialect (in MSA):
How are you: Mou almoush (kayfa halouka حالك كيف(
Rice: Aaysh (riz رز(
Fork: Jatal (shawka شوكة(
As is shown in the examples above, dialects greatly differ from each other and from MSA making it
difficult for people of different backgrounds to understand each other
There are some countries whose dialects do not belong to any of the aforementioned groups for instance
Iraq, Somalia and Mauritania
V- Arabic now:
- An interesting development is the use of Latin alphabet to communicate in Arabic
- Due to the high informality of that system, it is mostly used in dialects rather than MSA
- To account for the missing letters, numbers are used to replace them, for instance:
2 Alf أ 2alil (little)
3 Ayn ع Ma3 (with)
5 Kh خ E5et (sister)
7 Ha ح B7ebbak (i love you)
Thus, an example of a sentence (in Levant dialect) would be:
Be3tezir la te25ire bas kein ma3e 7arara
(I’m sorry for being late but I had a fever)
VI- References:
- https://www.mustgo.com/worldlanguages/arabic-modern-standard/https://renaissance-translations
.com/arabic-language-history/
- https://alifarabic.com/what-is-the-history-of-the-arabic-language/#:~:text=The%20roots%20of%2
0the%20Arabic,the%20language%20of%20the%20 Quran.
- https://lingualism.com/arabic/unique-words-in-arabic-dialects-that-even-other-arabs-may-not-und
erstand/
- https://renaissance-translations.com/arabic-language-history/
By Abdullah Khasawneh
The AFC Asian Cup is a quadrennial event that features Asia's best national teams, a platform that showcases football prowess and easily amplifies national pride. Their triumphs in the competition have greatly highlighted the immense progress that the beautiful game has made across nations in the Middle East, as Arab sides have had fruitful journeys shining through. Their significance towards the development of Asian football cannot be overstated, their contributions to the development of tactical and technical aspects, team management and culture surpassing tournament victories. This article sets out to examine Arab teams' history in the AFC Asian Cup and how they have impacted the development of Asian football.
The inaugural AFC Asian Cup tournament in 1972 saw Arab sides make their debut as part of a six-team competition with Thailand the hosts, Iran, the Khmer Republic now called Cambodia, and South Korea in a single group. Following the exclusion of Israel from the AFC in 1974, as part of the boycott of Israel in sports, arab teams resumed to participate normally following the 1976 tournament.
In the 1980s and 1990s, Arab teams started to rise to prominence in the AFC Asian Cup. Kuwait was the first to achieve this in 1980, when they won the championship, beating Saudi Arabia in an arab final. Saudi Arabia followed suit clinching the title in back-to-back triumphs in 1984 and 1988, with the likes of Majed Abdullah and Khalid Al Mu’wallid playing influential roles. Although the UAE had eagerly hosted the competition in 1996 and made it to the final, they were narrowly defeated 0-1 by their regional rivals Saudi Arabia. These moments represent high points for Arab teams in the tournament and remain memorable for both players and spectators.
In recent years, Arab teams continued to record significant progress in the AFC Asian Cup. Iraq won the championship in 2007, marking their first triumph. Qatar won the 2019 edition, holding the title of Champions amidst the political tensions in the region. Other performances of note saw Oman achieve progression to the knockout rounds in 2019 in what represented the first instance in the nation's annals that the round of 16 was attained. Bahrain and Palestine have also made it to the knock-out rounds in recent tournaments. These achievements continue to underline the growth of Arab teams' capacity and competitiveness, signalling similar future outcomes.
While Arab teams continue to compete and make progress in the tournament, political challenges and tensions significantly impact their performance. From Qatar's political dispute with the host country of the 2019 tournament to Iran boycotting the 1972 edition due to political reasons, many Arab teams have had to navigate through multi-faceted difficulties. A common example of this is the Syrian national team. Many Syrians, both within and outside of the country, are unwilling to support the national football team due to its close association with the Assad regime. This has made it challenging for the team to bring together the Syrian people, as it has become a divisive force in the country's already complex political landscape. Additionally, the players' objectivity has been affected by this association, making it difficult for them to accurately represent Syria on the global stage. The ongoing internal conflicts and ravages of war that have long plagued countries such as Yemen and Iraq have created immense difficulties for their national teams to receive the adequate support and resources generally afforded to teams from more stable nations, severely limiting their potential on the international stage. These challenges have posed significant setbacks to Arab teams, affecting their preparation and weakening their competitive edge. Nonetheless, these teams' resilience and determination to succeed continue to forge a path towards success.
Arab clubs have profoundly shaped the Asian game since the late 1980s, fundamentally impacting the region's football landscape. With their steady advancements in team management and tactical strategies, other Asian countries started to emulate and adopt similar techniques, leading to Asian teams rising to compete on the global stage. The development of individual players among Arab teams also laid the foundation for the growth of Asian players' technical capability and application. Alongside this, there is a significant contribution towards regional football culture, including ardent fans' display of loyalty and passion for their national teams. Contrary to earlier impressions of Arab teams as accommodating teams, these teams have shown immense tactical abilities and team coordination, nurturing the growth potential of Asian football.
The future of Arab teams in the AFC Asian Cup remains bright, with several promising prospects on the horizon. Upcoming tournaments could see more Arab teams secure a place in the knockout stages, even clinching the title again. However, several challenges and opportunities exist, ranging from political tensions to the declining grassroots development of football in some Arab countries. Expectations are high for Arab teams to contribute more to the progress of Asian football, as they had done in the past. The long-term impact of Arab teams' progress will continue to influence and increase the competitiveness of Asian football, leading to more exciting and challenging opportunities for all teams involved.
In retrospect, the history and achievements of Arab teams in the AFC Asian Cup display football's transformation in the Middle East and the significant efforts of these teams towards its development. Their accomplishments on the pitch have drawn attention to Arab football's progress, including winning multiple championships, top-four finishes, and the impact they have had on advancing tactical and technical aspects of football. Arab teams' progress has been a trailblazer for the growth of Asian football, laying the blueprint for other countries to emulate their success. Arab teams' contribution towards creating footballing cultures and pride for their national teams transcends beyond the sport and culminates in their role in the development of regional football history.
References
[3] https://www.abc.net.au/news/2004-08-08/japan-sink-china-in-heated-asia-cup-final/2022274
[4] http://edition.cnn.com/2011/SPORT/01/29/football.asian.japan.australia/index.html
[5] https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/17/sports/qatar-saudi-arabia-asian-cup.html
By Jude Shihab
As the twenty-first anniversary of the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq approaches, it's important to analyse the effects of that war, and the current social and political state of the country. It was an invasion which promised to topple a dictatorial regime, replacing it with democracy. It vowed to restore peace and hope, relieve the world of a nuclear threat and bring Iraq into the twenty-first century. Yet, over two decades onwards, these promises have proven themselves to be nothing but empty lies, as Iraq navigates through political instability, sectarian violence and socioeconomic turmoil.
The true victor of the war is often regarded to have been Iran. The Iranian government holds exclusive and almost total control over political and economic affairs in Iraq. In essence, if somebody is in a position of power or influence, it's because Iran provided their stamp of approval, and if someone is removed from power- even through indirect means- it is because Iran willed it. This control was directly made possible by the total collapse of Iraqi political, economic and social structures after the war. Iran took advantage of the chaos, and penetrated through Iraq's weak defences, to establish control and promote their own interests. Iran has directly benefited from its tight grasp on Iraq’s most valuable commodity- oil. Moreover, most of the politicians who have taken power were Iraqis who were exiled to Iran under the previous regime- most of whom would traditionally be considered traitors for acts which they committed against the country. This influence has not remained strictly political, as Iranian culture has managed to infiltrate into Iraqi society, paving the way for special occasions such as Nowruz (The Persian spring festival) to be commemorated. There has also been a significant influence on religious practices in the country, which is arguably what first gave rise to sectarian tensions in the country.
Perhaps a more concerning development in Iraq, has been the immense pro-Iranian propaganda which plagues the nation, and the absurd attempts to disguise or outrightly erase the history of the country. The previous regime led by the infamous Saddam Hussein, is both revered and condemned by Iraqis, but Iran had always firmly stood against the leader. Thus, as a result of a combination of anti-Saddam Iraqis and Iranian-backed officials holding power in the country, any traces of the positive effects which Saddam had on Iraq have either been hidden or completely destroyed. One of the most notorious examples being the incineration of a belt of palm trees which Saddam planted around the city of Baghdad to protect it from sand storms. The act was counterproductive, as only a few years later in 2008, the government started an initiative to achieve the same “Green Belt”, but were unsuccessful due to incorrect planting methods. Another example is the refusal of authorities to complete the building of the Al-Rahman Mosque, which Saddam had begun, intending it to be a grand attraction in the country's capital. Now, it lays an eerie incomplete structure, with no real purpose. Several of these actions collectively seem self-sabotaging on behalf of the government.
It is not only destruction of history which has taken place, but also a complete manipulation of events of the past. If one was to take a step into the museum portion of the ‘Al-Shaheed’ monument in Iraq, they would be greeted by an endless row of pictures of “martyrs” from the 1980’s Iraq-Iran war, or so it would appear. The reality is that the actual walls of the building are engraved with names and testimonies of Iraqi soldiers and victims who were martyred, whereas the makeshift boards plastered with pictures simply consist of, as previously mentioned, those who would traditionally be seen as traitors for their collaborations with the Iranian regime. Or even worse, people who weren't at all involved in the war. This manipulation is particularly concerning for future generations of Iraqis, as well as tourists, who will leave the museum having completely ignored the engraved wall, and the truth which it holds. Additionally, tourists arriving to the capital will likely be bombarded with posters upon posters featuring prominent Iranian figure Qassem Soleimani and Iraqi militia leader Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis, who were both killed in an American drone attack in Baghdad in 2018. The idea of the posters is to commemorate their so-called martyrdom, when in actuality, it is just a show of just how much power Iran possesses over Iraq, in that it can decide who is considered a martyr, and who should be commemorated. By any logic, these men would be considered enemies of the country, but it seems that post-war Iraq has become an open arena for illogical actions.
It's difficult to discuss the state of Iraq after the war without bringing special attention to sectarian violence. Tensions between the two Islamic sects- Shi'ism and Sunnism- were certainly present before the war due to Saddam’s firm anti-Shia stance, but they seemed to erupt into outright violence after the war. This was partly thanks to Iran's Shia influence, and partly as a result of a rise of Sunni opposition. At its worst, the war between the sects resulted in Iraq being divided into Shia and Sunni controlled areas- with some areas being controlled by both. Of course the biggest victims of this were the citizens of Iraq. Life revolved around being at the right place at the right time. It became common practice to have endless checkpoints around Baghdad and other areas, so that a Sunni man, with a Sunni name, could by chance be stopped at a Shia controlled checkpoint, and by merely hearing his name, they could choose to kill him. These instances were so common that it caused people to change their names, or stray away from sect-specific names- and perhaps even more extreme, it forced Iraqis with controversial names to stay out of the country. Although the violence has calmed down in recent years, the immense divide between the two sects in the country is still felt both socially and politically- where the government is now controlled by an overwhelming Shia majority.
Lastly, the aftermath of the war led to a significant rise in corruption in the country. During Saddam-era Iraq, although the political system was labelled a dictatorship, it was that very stringent and strict crackdown on any form of deceit and fraud which allowed the country to run in a more lawful and organised manner. This seems a far cry from where Iraq is now, a country whose own Prime Minister claimed in a speech that “99% of all building permits require bribes''. Bribery has become the prime form of corruption in the country. It has plagued every part of the ordinary person's life. Take renewing a passport for example, it's almost guaranteed that at every stage of that process, you will have to slip in money to any worker you interact with, and not to get them to speed up the operation for you, just simply to get them to do their job. It is practices like these which have given Iraq a ranking of 169 in the World Corruption Index, and a score of 23 out of 100 (100 being completely clean of any corruption). But corruption extends past society, and into the government, where government officials and authorities endowed with power have been notorious for stealing from their citizens, and from the country's natural riches. It is a combination of theft and bribery which have left little room for development for Iraq.
As has been illustrated, the aftermath of the US Invasion of Iraq has been immense for all aspects. It is a culmination of all these factors, and many more which haven’t been mentioned, which has resulted in almost complete stagnance for Iraq on all fronts. It is very telling that a country as rich as Iraq, is still unable to provide running electricity and water for its citizens- even in the depths of summer where the air-conditioning for many Iraqis becomes their only salvation away from the colossal heat. Many believe that as long as there is a leash on Iraq being held by Iran, there won’t be any real improvement in the situation.
Sources:
https://theintercept.com/2023/03/17/iraq-war-iran-cables/
https://www.cfr.org/in-brief/how-much-influence-does-iran-have-iraq
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/3/20/analysis-irans-influence-prevents-iraqs-arab-reintegration
https://www.cfr.org/timeline/iraq-war
https://mediaengagement.org/research/social-media-iraq-tishreen-movement/
https://tradingeconomics.com/iraq/corruption-index
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2003/mar/30/iraq6
https://carnegieendowment.org/sada/55372
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/1/18/iraq-faces-growing-violence-as-political-rift-deepens
By Laila Moaz
The inspiration for this topic came from a visit to the Victoria and Albert Museum in London, England, where there were displays of Ancient Egyptian and Persian gold pieces. It was the Ancient Egyptians who discovered different ways to change the colour of gold and started experimenting with gold sculptures. The origins of these jewellery pieces date back centuries. Gold is more than a material for jewellery; it was also used for the decoration of tombs, temples, weaponry, glassware and more. Moving on to more recent times, in the 1900s Dubai - the United Arab Emirates - was (and still continues to be) a major hub for trading gold. Dubai provided a tax-free, trade-friendly environment where individuals could buy and sell gold easily. The city still harbours a great market for gold trade, with more than 400 stores in its gold souq. In recent social media trends, gold accessories have become mainstream. The recognition of the beauty and versatility of gold jewellery resulted in a rise in its popularity. While this article focuses on women in the MENA region, it is important to note that gold is popular in multiple regions of the world as well.
Jewellery has always acted as a form of financial security for women in the MENA region. During times of political and economic unrest, gold creates a sense of safety for women Elaborate gold accessories are found in many MENA region cultures and are viewed as a staple when giving a dowry to women when proposing. It shows commitment, sincerity, security, and respect for the woman and her family. Outside of marriage, women in the region view it as a good investment to maintain. If need be, gold is easy to sell no matter its market value. Two-thirds of gold bought in the Middle East is for savings. Furthermore, gold is generally the ‘go-to’ metal to accessorise due to its cultural significance and appearance on skin tones within the region. Women are very proud of their gold pieces, as they illustrate prosperity, elegance, and their cultural identity.
Since gold is rooted in the MENA region's culture, it's natural for women to pass down pieces from generation to generation. As the trend of using gold accessories grows, comments made on “over the top” gold pieces arise, as well as statements made on how “unclassy” and “inelegant” gold pieces can be. While opinions on something as trivial as jewellery would not normally have serious repercussions, it is vital to ensure that opinions do not manifest into negative labels placed on women of colour. Titling gold jewellery as unsophisticated may reinforce prejudices or stereotypes which lead to discrimination against women of color, who only seek to partake in cultural traditions. The fashion industry famously suffers from a lack of diversity and representation. Due to the fact that social media facilitates a fast-paced trend cycle, what was once “fashionable” is now “out.” Unfortunately, this is a fact. However, it is important to be aware of the language used when discussing culturally significant pieces of jewellery and clothing in general.
Sources
https://www.mygoldguide.in/understanding-significance-gold-middle-eastern-countries https://www.arabamerica.com/why-is-gold-so-vital-to-arab-culture/
https://www.only-connect.co.uk/post/gold-is-old-arab-women-through-the-looking-glass
By Luca Schmit
A common misconception, oversimplification and falsification of Palestinian history and its national liberation struggle is that this struggle is and has always been dominated by Islam or tinged with religious extremism. This argument has too often been used to equate Palestinian national resistance to Islamic ideology, thereby delegitimizing and illegalizing any form of Palestinian struggle. Furthermore, it is folded into a narrative of an unbridgeable divide between Israeli-Jews and Palestinian-Arabs, that these two peoples cannot coexist, or do not engage in sustained political discourse, dialogue and agreement.
However, as we hope to demonstrate in this infographic, this was not always the case and does not have to be so. We will attempt to do so through examining two Palestinian and Jewish organizations which during the 1970’s, the hightide of secular left politics, proposed radically different visions for the future of the region, which today have been almost entirely forgotten, and which often found common cause between each other despite this so-called ‘unbridgeable divide” between Jews and Arabs.
The Other Palestine:
Name: Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP)
Well-Known Members:
● George Habash
● Ghassan Kanafani
● Mohamed Boudia
Positions:
● Marxism-Leninism/Revolutionary Socialism
● Secularism and Anti-Zionism
● One-State Solution (Bi-National State)
The PFLP is a broadly Marxist-Leninist revolutionary organization which was founded by members such as George Habash, Nayef Hawatmeh and Wadie Haddad and which emerged out of the traumatic and radicalizing experience of the Six Day War and the Naksa (Setback) in 1967. Although firmly committed to armed struggle, leading to several controversial and violent actions, the group sought to wage armed struggle for the goal of creating a unified state which included and granted equality to both Jews and Arabs. (SPLIT) The PFLP was uncompromising in both denouncing Israeli settler-colonialism while rebuking reactionary elements within Palestinian society stating in their manifesto: “Our enemy in the battle is Israel, Zionist, world imperialism and Arab reaction.”. As a result, and at the height of its popularity in the 1970’s, the PFLP often served as the leading opposition to Fatah and consistently criticized Fatah’s and then the PLO’s policies on Palestine’s economic
development, its noticeable streak of political and financial corruption and on its adoption of a peace process which sought to establish two separate states.
“Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine”
Reflecting this support for a one-state solution the PFLP drafted in 1969, in the wake of its Second Congress, a cohesive strategy and thought to achieve Palestinian liberation which was outlined in the document “Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine” which boldly declared the following:
“The Palestinian liberation movement is not a racial movement with aggressive intentions against the Jews. It is not directed against the Jews. Its object is to destroy the state of Israel as a military, political and economic establishment that rests on aggression, expansion and organic connection with imperialist interests in our homeland. It is against Zionism as an aggressive racial movement connected with imperialism, which has exploited the sufferings of the Jews as a stepping stone for the promotion of its interests and the interests of imperialism in this part of the world that possesses rich resources and provides a bridgehead into the countries of Africa and Asia. The aim of the Palestinian liberation movement is to establish a democratic national state in Palestine in which both Arabs and Jews will live as citizens with equal rights and obligations and that will constitute an integral part of the progressive democratic Arab national presence living peacefully with all forces of progress in the world.”
The Other Israel:
Name: Matzpen
Well-Known Members:
● Moshe Machover
● Akiva Orr
● Jabra Nicola
Positions:
● Anti-Occupation/Anti-Zionism
● Marxism/New Left
● One-State Solution/Socialist Federation
On the other side of the ‘unbridgeable divide’ was the now little remembered organization Matzpen (meaning Compass in Hebrew) or the Socialist Organization in Israel which was established in 1962. The result of opposition to the Israeli Communist Party and its unquestioning loyalty to the USSR, Matzpen quickly became one of the leading anti-Zionist groups in Israel. Like the PFLP the impact of the Six Day War (1967) was profound on Matzpen, who began producing a publication and organizing demonstrations, through it coining the slogan “Down With Occupation!”.
However, unlike the PFLP which was designed to be a militant mass revolutionary party, Matzpen functioned more as an inner circle of intellectuals and activists who operated across a multitude of organizations. This meant that although the organization fell apart by the 1980’s many of its members would go on to play crucial roles in organizing resistance to Zionism and specific policies. Matzpen was arguably essential in developing a comprehensive and detailed theory and body of work that analyzed and criticized Zionism and which underpins much of Jewish anti-Zionist thought to this day.
“The Basic Principles”
These ideas and positions were crystallized and re-affirmed in a document called “The Basic Principles” which was published in 1973 and which went on to not only firmly reject Zionism but outlined a vision where both Palestine and Israel would be united within a larger federation that spanned the Middle East and which was based on the principle of self-determination:
“The solution of the national and social problems of this region (including the Palestinian problem and the Israeli–Arab conflict) can come about only through a socialist revolution in this region, which will overthrow all its existing regimes and will replace them by a political union of the region, ruled by the toilers. In this united and liberated Arab East, recognition will be granted to the right of self-determination (including the right to a separate state) of each of the non-Arab nationalities living in the region, including the Israeli-Jewish nation. As part of the struggle for this revolution, Matzpen struggles for the overthrow of the Zionist regime and the abolition of all the institutions, laws, regulations and practices on which it rests. Matzpen strives for a living-together of Arabs and Jews, based on full equality; and for the integration of this country’s two peoples – the Israeli-Jewish and the Palestinian-Arab peoples – in the regional socialist union, on the basis of free choice. Matzpen works towards the development of internationalist consciousness among both peoples, which would make such integration possible."
As we have just explored and uncovered, throughout much of the second half of the 20th century, and even until today, organizations and associations existed for both the Israeli and Palestinian people, which spoke of a different world and that thereby challenged injustice, exploitation and oppression back then and that still challenge our assumptions about the ideologies of the conflict today. Not only did both sides propose radical ideas and futures, such as the formation of a single state and the full integration and equality of Jews and Arabs, but they also were molded by the same events, such as the Six Day War (1967), and showcase interconnected if often threatened political landscape. While the writings and dreams of these groups may today seem even more impossible and distant, and we should avoid uncritically copying them word for word or leaving them unchanged despite new conditions, developments and realities, what we must learn from these groups is to always reject the notion that another Israel and Palestine is impossible or that our common future is fated to be painted with blood.
Sources:
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - Wikipedia
Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) | ECFR
“Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine” - Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine; https://foreignlanguages.press/wp-content/uploads/2020/08/S08-PFLP-Strategy-Lib-Palestine-7th-Printing. pdf.
Matzpen - Wikipedia
About Matzpen
Basic Principles
By Nabiha Duaa
The Middle East is known to be a gold mine for oil; holding 40% of the world’s gas reserves and 880 Bbo of oil. For the longest time, this commodity has proven to play a pivotal role in Middle Eastern economics and politics. But first, the question that arises is how the Middle East came to be the land known for its rich oil reserves. Why exactly is it that the Middle East, out of all the continents, is the one with the most plentiful supply of this liquid gold?
The vast majority of credit goes to the Earth’s geographical development. The area now widely recognized as the Arabian Peninsula, used to be the location for the Tethys Ocean which was incredibly rich in microorganisms and nutrients. The tectonic movement of the Earth caused the ocean to dry out, and over time layers upon layers of new land started to form on top of the saturated sea bed. As time passed by these layers compressed the organic matter interlaced between them, resulting in the production of an abundance of fossil fuel. As of today, the Middle East remains to be the world’s largest energy exporter, exporting 1.36 billion tons of oil annually.
Oil being a Superpower:
With nature giving a significant advantage to the Middle East, what is witnessed now is the immense power that Oil brings. Being home to the world’s largest oil reserves, the Middle East has become a key player in the energy landscape globally. This has resulted in oil becoming an economic backbone for the Middle East, which also branches out to benefit other sectors.
1) Government Revenue:
Oil reaps the most revenue for governments in the Middle East, but particularly those of the GCC (Gulf Cooperation Council) countries. A third of the world’s oil is produced in the Middle East and Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, United Arab Emirates, Qatar and Kuwait are amongst the world’s top suppliers of oil. A significant reason for this is evidently the geographical location of these countries, but also the fact that GCC countries are among the ones where the development and production of crude oil is the cheapest. In Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates and Kuwait, the production costs vary from 3-5 dollars a barrel, according to IEA (International Energy Agency) estimates. This means that when these countries export oil to regions where such a significant supply doesn’t exist, coupled with their low production costs, the revenue that is streamed in is abundant and ends up forming a significant part of these countries’ GDPs.
2) Overall development:
Mass government revenue that these oil rich countries rack up is further reinvested to their societies and fuels the development of social programs and infrastructure. For instance, Saudi Arabia is the largest crude oil producer, producing 12.2 million barrels per day. Additionally, it also leads in distillation capacities with 3 million barrels a day. This level of production has reaped much government revenue which has transformed Saudi Arabia in recent decades; transforming its infrastructure for the better. Having oil has become an asset for these countries to create jobs, invest in industries, build substantial diplomatic ties and even military power. These countries have also used their oil wealth to invest in industries around the world, gaining even more economic influence that can be used for political leverage. Thus, oil has facilitated an all-around development in various sectors and has given room for political advantages.
3) Political influence through the OPEC
Many of the Middle Eastern countries are members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC). 37.9% of the world’s crude oil is produced by these member countries, and the influence of such an organization are significant. OPEC essentially coordinates oil pricing as well as extraction quotas, and because a significant supply of oil comes from OPEC countries, the decisions undertaken by this organization increase competition not just regionally in the Middle East, but also globally. Decisions can seriously impact the global economy and oil prices, and subsequently OPEC is a hub for attaining significant control of the global oil market and immense political power.
How the times are changing
Despite all the benefits that oil has brought to the Middle East, the nature of the dynamics of economies never stalls. As times are changing, some problems have arisen that Middle Eastern countries are still trying to tackle.
1) Increasing need for diversification
Even though reliance on crude oil has been great for GCC countries, trouble in paradise is always due. In terms of simple economics, reliance on just one sector has never proved to be beneficial in the long run. These countries heavily involved in oil trade have essentially put all their eggs in one basket. Reliance on one sector means that any subsequent consequences and risks are all dependent on that sector itself, thus stability is a crucial element but like in any economy, no sector can be completely stable. The global market for oil has become volatile due to a change in attitudes towards crude oil at a time when climate change and global warming has increasingly become an alarming concern, and also because of the availability of newer, “environmental friendly” fuels. The COVID-19 pandemic really hit the final nail in the coffin for many GCC countries as it demonstrated the effects of a drop in the global demand in oil which led to the fall in global prices of oil. For this reason, many of them are seeking to diversify their economies. The diversification of the economy is an objective outlined by Saudi Arabia in its Vision 2030, and changes are also taking place in the UAE as it seeks to improve high-end manufacturing in industries like aerospace and medicine, all in an effort to aim to increase its non-oil sector by 7.5% annually.
2) Environmental concerns
As the world grapples with the consequences of rising global warming and climate change, more regard is being given to more efficient, environmentally friendly sources of energy. Fossil fuels are notorious for their adverse effects on the earth, due to which the demand for oil has taken a blow. While drilling oil itself can be very harmful to the environment, what needs to also be given consideration is how oil and gas transport across countries also is a huge factor to this problem especially with regard to the GCC countries.
3) Political instability
At times, the revenue generated by oil trade has been reinvested to illegally fund terrorism in Syria, Yemen, and Iraq. Political and military power gained through oil trade has also allowed backdoor politics to take place and has also given way for countries to support proxy forces in conflicts overseas.
Sources:
https://www.statista.com/topics/6508/middle-east-oil-industry/#topicOverview
https://ncusar.org/blog/2013/03/basic-facts-about-oil-and-gas-in-the-arab-world/
https://geoexpro.com/how-much-oil-in-the-middle-east/
https://www.brinknews.com/how-does-the-arab-world-move-away-from-oil-dependence/
By Janine Khoury-Brouwer
This article contains discussions of explicit violence and may be distressing for some readers. Names have been changed for anonymity.
“Do you want peace or justice?”
“I wish I knew what peace means.”
Since the start of the Hamas-Israel war, Israel has led over 970 attacks targeting Lebanon. Whilst most of the shelling has remained within the south of Lebanon near the border with Israel, it has climbed increasingly north in the country even targeting the capital Beirut. Sadly, the bombardments are nothing new: the two states have a long history of turmoil, violence and war; the most recent one dating back to 2006. The south of Lebanon is almost always the first target in these escalations. As a result the area is now experiencing daily Israeli bombardment which has caused nearly 65,000 Lebanese people to flee.
Leila, a young woman from the village Bani Haiyyan, is currently seeking shelter in Beirut along with her parents. She describes the situation in the southern village to be “incredibly bad,” explaining that prior to her leaving, “the house would shake any time a bomb dropped.” Terror, fear and sadness are overwhelmingly present in the south, as Leila explains: “it’s sad to see the roads you know, the house you grew up in, our olive trees completely destroyed.” In fact, Israel has been using white phosphorus bombs to target Lebanese forests, causing over 130 forest fires. The use of such weapons has been deemed a war crime by Amnesty International.
But the loss of material possessions cannot be compared to the loss of lives: “Parents should not be searching for their children in the rubble, they should be playing with them. This should not be happening!” said Dr. Atef in a separate interview. Dr. Atef is a psychiatrist who is from a village 4km away from the border, and like so many Lebanese is unable to stay in his village.
He explained that while people from the south of Lebanon are used to Israel’s aggressive war tactics, this time is different. Which is further confirmed by Leila’s experience of Israel’s first attack since the start of conflicts: “I was sleeping when the sound of Israeli missiles woke me up, but I went back to sleep since Israel always shells in the south and breaks the sound barrier. I thought it was just another random bomb, but we got word that it was serious.” Dr. Atef elaborates on the psychological dangers of this pattern, finding it “a shame that we [Lebanese people] have this resilience, it’s incredibly concerning how used we are to this new crisis: there’s nothing normal about bombardments, there’s nothing normal about war.”
Another psychological issue would be the added stress and PTSD that southern Lebanese are experiencing. Dr. Atef explains that knowing Lebanon’s history with Israel, there is cause for worry. Furthermore, “unlike previous years, Israel doesn’t have any more logic behind their attacks, just one goal: destruction, death, pain.” Leila also expresses great concern, as she is worried that further escalations could not only annihilate her village, but Lebanon as a whole due to the threats made by Israeli heads of state. In fact, Israeli officials are continuously threatening Lebanon; Benjamin Netanyahu, the Prime Minister of Israel, said that he “will turn Beirut into Gaza and Khan Yunis”; whilst Yoav Gallant, Israel’s minister of defense threatened to “erode every inch of Lebanon” even claiming he’ll be “sending Lebanon back to the Stone Age.”
When asked if they wanted peace between Lebanon and Israel, both Leila and Dr. Atef responded by a counter question: What does peace actually look like? The psychiatrist explains that no peace could be achieved in the short-term: “Israel won’t stop. They’ll just keep going until our entire country is either theirs, or gone.” “War and violence were the last resorts”, he continued, and he wishes there was another way to defend Lebanon, yet “when faced with Israel only violence works.”
Violence, certainly, is not anyone’s first choice. No one chooses war, but they are forced into it. Dr. Atef highlights this point clearly: “How could you convince a father not to intercept a bullet if it were hitting his children? How do you expect a mother not to shield her children when her house is bombed? All those who died, did so for others to live on.”
The psychiatrist further clarifies the misconception that soldiers either Lebanese, Palestinians or even Israelis want to fight: “Due to misrepresentation in the media, foreigners often believe that Arabs and Israelis have a culture of death, that we’re so used to the bombs and we aren’t really affected by tragedies anymore. Foreigners forget we’re just like them; we want happiness, we want to go out with our friends, we want to study and have a career, we want to live and grow old and love and be loved. How could they say we have a culture of death? Israel has imposed death upon us, both the dead and the living: When one person dies because of missiles, it’s like their family, friends, loved ones, they all die too but of grief.
All of our hearts break for every heart that stops beating.”
Sources:
https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/mapping-clashes-along-israel-lebano n-border
https://www.aub.edu.lb/natureconservation/Documents/Brief%20WP%20English.pdf
By Abdullah Khasawneh
Islamic scholars played a really important role in laying the foundations of the fields of Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) that we live in today. Since the coming of Islam, scholars have contributed immensely to various areas of STEM, from medication to technology and beyond. In order to recognize and revalue the contributions of Islamic scholars to STEM, it is imperative to look at their contributions.
Early Islamic scholars such as Al-Khwarizmi, Al-Razi, and Al-Farabi made substantial contributions to STEM that set the base for modern-day knowledge. [1] Al-Khwarizmi's contributions to math include the development of algebra and the entry into the Hindu-Arabic number system. Al-Razi's contributions to medication run from his observations and diagnosis of smallpox to his development of a categorisation scheme for mineral and brute substances. [2] Finally, Al-Farabi's contributions to science were mainly inward the theatre of philosophy and included a comprehensive categorization of the sciences. These scholars' contributions to STEM march the interdisciplinary nature of knowledge and the really important role it plays inwards defining our world today.
The Islamic Golden Age of the 8th to the 13th century was a stop in the flourishing of STEM that saw outstanding advances within science, mathematics, medicine, and philosophy. One of the major factors that helped contour Islamic scholarship was the translation of scientific and philosophical deeds from scholars all over the world, including the workings of Aristotle and other Greek philosophers. In medicine, Al-Zahrawi, also known as Albucasis, made really important contributions to the past by designing groundbreaking operative tools and techniques, including the habituation of gut sutures, which revolutionized the theatre of surgery [3] . The contributions and advancements of the Islamic Golden Age in STEM have left a lasting impression on Bodoni society.
Islamic scholars have made two important contributions to the fields of uranology and physics, which have helped conform to new science. Al-Battani, also known as Albatenius, was a uranologist who made valuable observations of celestial bodies, including the breakthrough and measurements of the solar apex. [4] Al-Haytham, also known as Alhazen, was an important figure in the apprehension of optics, particularly in the refraction and reflection of light. His Book of Optics is an extremely regarded text in the field. Nasir al-Din al-Tusi made important contributions to trigonometry, including the conception of the Tusi couple, a mathematical device used to simulate one-dimensional motion. These contributions highlight the ingeniousness and genius of Islamic scholars' inward and forward- moving understanding of the harsh world.
Islamic scholars have made substantial contributions to the field of chemistry. Jabir ibn Hayyan, often considered the father of chemistry, pioneered many of the fundamental chemical concepts still in practice today, including the expansion of laboratory apparatus, distillation, and purification. [5] Meanwhile, Al-Kindi, known as the philosopher of the Arabs, contributed largely to the evolution of chemical substances and processes. He wrote extensively on the properties of a variety of substances such as minerals, metals, and drugs, laying the basis for future research. The contributions of these scholars march the breadth and depth of Islamic knowledge inward STEM fields and its work on science.
Islamic scholars' experience made very important contributions to the theatre of engineering, particularly in the areas of mechanics and automation. One notable contribution is that of Al-Jazari, who intentionally designed technical devices for various purposes such as water supply, transport, and entertainment. [6] His book, The Book of Knowledge of Ingenious Mechanical Devices, showcased his innovative designs and machines. Islamic architecture is another area where technology has flourished, with the expression of structures such as the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem and the Alhambra in Spain, to name a few. These
architectural marvels reflect the sophisticated technological techniques used during the Islamic Golden Age and uphold modern-day architects and engineers. The impact of Islamic scholars in STEM fields is undeniable, and their contributions and experience directly influenced many of today's scientists, researchers, and engineers. From medicine to uranology and beyond, their innovations and discoveries have helped form our discernment of the world and its workings. [7] Recognizing the contributions of Islamic scholars to STEM emphasizes the force of inclusion and diversity inward and forward knowledge and defining our world. It is imperative to fete their impact, realize their legacy, and process towards creating a more inclusive STEM community.
In conclusion, Islamic scholars have made important contributions to the development of STEM fields through their ingenious and pioneering works. From the contributions of betimes Islamic scholars to the advancements in science, mathematics, and medicine during the Islamic Golden Age, these scholars have left an unbelievable legacy. It is indispensable to realize and appreciate their contributions to STEM, both for their historical importance and their continued influence on modern-day science, technology, engineering, and mathematics.
References
[1] https://www.theguardian.com/science/2010/feb/01/islamic-science
[2] https://muslimheritage.com/origins-islamic-science/
[4] https://www.britannica.com/biography/al-Khwarizmi
[5] https://archive.org/details/ventureofislamco00hodg/page/233
[6] https://books.google.nl/books?id=_AUtLNtg3nsC&pg=PA3&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false
[7] https://faseb.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1096/fj.06-0803ufm
[8] https://www.newscientist.com/people/muhammad-ibn-musa-al-khwarizmi/
[9] https://ampeduplearning.com/muslim-contributions-to-later-civilizations-assessments/
By Malahat Mammadova
Flashing lights, extravagant firework shows, and shouts from fans all over the world echoing throughout the stadium, at the centre of which stands a man adorned in a traditional Arab bisht, raising the most prestigious prize in the world of football. This seemingly faraway memory from the 18th of December 2022 was the scene plastered over TVs worldwide for over 1.5 billion people to watch after a month defined by a bittersweet mixture of decade-long pushback, unforgettable competition, and surpassing expectations. However, the complex tale of the World Cup in Qatar started long before 2022, detailing the strategic ways in which the much-beloved sporting event was used to create a favorable image of the state on the international stage.
Despite the frenzy caused by the event from its very beginning, such as Saudi Arabia's shocking victory against Argentina, Morocco’s historic run, and Infantino’s much-quoted press conference, concerns over how and why Qatar received the green light to host the World Cup loomed over the heads of fans and critics throughout the course of the competition, raising both eyebrows and questions. The unfortunate timing of Qatargate being unveiled in the European Parliament just a few weeks into the World Cup was only the cherry on top in the grand scheme of things. And yet, the hosts enjoyed unexpected positive press in spite of a rocky start, both from Western news agencies and attendees. In the span of a month, over a million visitors famliarised themselves with the lavishness, hospitality and high spirits of the Gulf state, all while reports and accusations of human rights abuses hung overhead.
With that being said, it must be noted that the means and the 12 years it took to benefit from hosting such a prestigious event are permeated with controversy, conflict, and corruption. The typical news coverage of the 2022 World Cup consisted of videos of scored goals and stadiums full of lively fans, followed by discussions on bribery, migrant worker exploitation, and the prohibition of homosexuality in the host state. The starting point for this scrutiny was when U.S. prosecutors revealed details about how Qatari media executives had allegedly paid five members of FIFA’s top board ahead of the 2010 vote to guarantee their spot as the host—a story so intriguing that it had become a central theme in a Netflix documentary on FIFA’s tainted history. The 2022 World Cup organisers adamantly denied these allegations, on top of being taunted by widespread criticism from human rights groups over the mistreatment of South Asian migrant workers by failing to uphold humane working conditions when building the new stadiums, resulting in the deaths of over 6,000 people. Eventually, Qatar had succumbed to certain parts of the international outrage, in particular by NGOs, in the lead up to the tournament as it officially eliminated restrictions on workers’ rights to enter and exit its territories without permission from employers. The football pitch itself extended into a political and moral battleground as team captains of multiple European teams were discouraged from wearing "OneLove" armbands, raising concerns over freedom of expression and compatibility with certain standards for tolerance and human rights.
With that being said, some critics across the Arab world argued that much of the criticism was set in upholding negative stereotypes about the Middle East, with Infantino going so far as to denounce the "hypocrisy" and "racism" from countries he considered to be moralising over the Middle East nation's human rights record.
This begs the question of why a Gulf state with immense resources and one of the highest incomes per capita in the world would willingly put itself in the spotlight, vulnerable to scrutiny. Mounting criticism meant that the hosts would be viewed through a pragmatic lens throughout the tournament, a reality that Qatar utilised by achieving the global recognition it desperately sought through building their reputation as a reliable international player and partner by hosting sporting events. The success of the event was especially crucial for Doha as an aspiring force to be reckoned with in the region, prior to the lifting of the blockade imposed on it by its neighbours. It is worthwhile to mention that hosting the 2022 World Cup in Qatar significantly impacted the region's football infrastructure and instituted a lasting sporting legacy, making the country synonymous with luxury after they had poured a staggering $220 billion into the competition, the aftermath of which marked a 157% surge in tourism.
It is clear to see that Doha has successfully enhanced its international profile through sports diplomacy and reaped the benefits of hosting the costly event, even with the mixed opinions of fans and critics reminiscing a year later. It had additionally opened a door for sports fans to discover more of what the region has to offer—an example of sports diplomacy in action. NGOs such as Amnesty International remain vocal about Qatar’s continuing failure to remedy abuses faced by migrant workers and adequately protect them from labour exploitation; unfortunately, with Qatar out of the spotlight, discussions on the rights of workers have faded, and memories of the sport itself have overshadowed the more worrying aspects of what it took to host an event people can reminisce on for years to come.
Sources:
https://www.espn.co.uk/football/story/_/id/38919896/one-year-2022-fifa-world-cup-changed-qatar
https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20230904-qatar-post-world-cup-sees-157-surge-in-tourism/
https://www.nytimes.com/2022/12/18/sports/soccer/qatar-world-cup-host.html
https://cirs.qatar.georgetown.edu/the-impact-of-the-lifting-of-the-blockade-on-the-qatar-world-cup/
By Jude Shihab
Palestine:
Ya Taleen Aljabal “O Those Going Up the Mountain”:
Most famously sung by Palestinian artist Rola Azar, a prominent Palestinian singer who has produced many nationalistic songs.
It's a song known as a ‘Tarweedah’, a unique style of Palestinian singing which involves masking individual words with additional syllables.
This style was created by Palestinian women who wanted to convey secret messages to loved ones held captive by Israel.
Other notable examples:
Ahd Allah Ma Nerhal- translates to “By the Promise of God, We Won’t Leave”
Dammi Falastini- translates to “My Blood is Palestinian”
Yamma Mweil El Hawwa- translates to “Oh Mother, What’s with the Wind?”
Harb al Shaware- translates to “Street War”.
Zahrat al Madaen- translates to “The Rose of Cities”
Iraq:
Ya Gaa Trabej Kafoori- “O Earth, Your Soil is my Camphor”:
Written by the famous Iraqi poet Kadim Ismail Al-Katii, and sung during the eight-year Iraq-Iran war in the 1980’s.
Like many Iraqi songs, its poignant lyrics originated from poetry, and music was later composed for it.
A song which exemplifies the spirit of Iraqi unity and nationalism, and has since been used in the wars which followed- and even sounds across the streets of Baghdad during protests to this day.
Other notable examples:
Marhaba Ya Maarek Almaseer- translates to “Welcome O’ Destined Battle”
Lahat Ruoos Alherab- translates to “The Spearheads Loomed”
Yumma Yumma- translates to “Oh Mother, Oh Mother”
Daimeen o Daim Watanee Beekom- translates to “Always and Forever, My Homeland is With You”
Hatha El Fares- translates to “This Knight”
Lebanon:
Nahna Al Thowra Wel Ghadab- “We are the Revolution and Anger”:
Sung by the famous Lebanese singer Julia Boutrous, nicknamed “The Voice of the Revolution”.
This song is a symbol of Lebanese resistance, and is commonly used to ignite nationalism and strengthen Lebanese spirits during many wars.
Her songs are so powerful that they've gained traction elsewhere, most notably, Palestine.
It’s for this very reason that the Israeli Government bestowed upon her the title of “The Voice of War”.
Other notable examples:
Reshou Alfel Alaskar Tal- translates to “Toss the Flowers on the Army”
Al Haq Selahi- translates to “Rightness is my Weapon”
Bhebek Ya Lebnan- translates to “I Love You, O Lebanon”
Ghabat Shams Al Haq- translates to “The Sun of Rightness has Set”
Moukawem- translates to “Resistant”
Egypt:
A’sh Elly Al- “Long Live the One Who Said”:
Sung by the famous Egyptian singer Abdel Halim Hafez, known as the “Black Nightingale” for his distinct voice.
The words of this song were written by the poet Mohammed Hamza, and it came to be a poignant song for the October War- or the Arab-Israeli War.
A song which exemplifies the strength and united spirit of the Egyptians.
Other notable examples:
Sabah El Kheir Ya Sinaa- translates to “Good Morning O Sinai”
Sout Al Hurria- translates to “The Voice of Freedom”
Ya El Medan- translates to “Oh the (Tahrir) Square”
Sameina Ou Adeina- translates to “We Named and Counted”
Abarna El Hazima- translates to “We Passed the Defeat”
Syria:
Hanen Lel Hurieh Hanen- “Yearning for Freedom”:
Most famously sung by Syrian Revolutionary Abdel Basset Al-Sarout, the voice of the 2011 Syrian Revolution.
The song is an ode to a people yearning for freedom, from decades of unending oppression under a tyrannical regime.
Al-Sarout became a revolutionary symbol due to his unique and powerful voice, which left millions of Syrians inspired.
Other notable examples:
Jannah Ya Wattana- translates to “Paradise O our Homeland”
Tayeb Itha Ma Nerjaa, Touedna Tesmaana?- translates to “Alright if We Don't Return, Promise You'll Hear Us?
Ou Ana Talei Atthahar- translates to “And I’ve Come to Protest”
The Arabs:
It's important to note that many Arab nations share different songs and melodies. So it's common to find a melody from an Iraqi song, used for a Syrian Revolutionary song. Or a Lebanese war song, used for protests by Palestinians. This shared culture culminates in many songs of united Arab Nationalism.
Notable examples:
Al Hilm Al Araby- translates to “The Arab Dream”
Labaika Ya Alam Al Urooba- translates to “I’ve Answered Your Call, O Symbol of Arabs”
Al-Watan Al Akbar- translates to “The Bigger Homeland”
By Hamza Reedy
1 Introduction
The annals of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region bear witness to a profound history
of anti-colonial resistance, where the narrative is not only a tale of physical struggles but also a battle
of perceptions. Colonial occupiers often labeled these resilient figures as terrorists or rebels, while the
people, inspired by their quest for freedom, saw them as symbols of resistance. This article delves
into key instances, providing detailed historical context and exploring how these nuanced narratives
shaped the legacies of anti-colonial movements across the MENA region, drawing parallels with global
figures such as Nelson Mandela.
2 Omar Mukhtar and the Libyan Resistance (1911-1931)
Omar Mukhtar, known as the ”Lion of the Desert,” led the Libyan resistance against Italian colonial
rule. Between 1911 and 1931, Mukhtar employed guerilla tactics to challenge the Italian forces. The
Italians, feeling threatened by his effectiveness, labeled him a rebel leader, but for Libyans, Mukhtar
represented the embodiment of their struggle for independence. The stark contrast between the Italian
characterization of rebellion and the Libyan perception of a fight for national sovereignty underscores
the power dynamics inherent in anti-colonial resistance.
3 Egypt’s Nationalist Movements (Early to Mid-20th Century)
Egypt’s resistance against British occupation manifested in various nationalist movements, including
the Muslim Brotherhood and leaders like Saad Zaghloul. Branded as rebels by the British, these
groups resonated with the aspirations of the Egyptian people for self-determination. The early to
mid-20th century witnessed a complex interplay between colonial powers and local movements, with
the British employing strategies to suppress anti-colonial sentiments while Egyptians sought to assert
their right to govern themselves. This historical context illuminates the intricacies of the struggle for
independence.
4 Algeria’s War of Independence (1954-1962)
The Algerian War of Independence, led by the National Liberation Front (FLN) against French colonial
rule, represents a pivotal moment in anti-colonial resistance. Accused of terrorism by the French
government, the FLN sought to overturn decades of oppression. While the French authorities aimed
to suppress the FLN’s activities by branding them as terrorists, the Algerian people viewed them as
champions of their right to self-determination. This stark divergence in perceptions encapsulates the
ideological battle embedded in the struggle for independence, echoing sentiments seen in other parts
of the region.
5 Morocco, Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon
Abd el-Krim’s leadership during the Rif War in Morocco stands as another poignant example of anti-
colonial resistance. The Berber leader, labeled a rebel by Spanish and French forces, became a symbol
of defiance for Moroccans seeking autonomy. In Iraq, uprisings during the British mandate were
portrayed as rebellions, concealing the populace’s yearning for sovereignty. Similarly, the Syrian and
Lebanese resistance against French rule faced characterizations of rebellion, highlighting the discord
between colonial narratives and indigenous perspectives.
6 Global Parallels: Nelson Mandela and Anti-Apartheid Struggle
Drawing parallels with global anti-colonial figures, Nelson Mandela’s fight against apartheid in South
Africa resonates with the MENA region’s struggles. Like Mukhtar, Mandela faced accusations of
terrorism by the apartheid regime, yet he remains a symbol of resistance against oppression and an
international emblem of the struggle for freedom.
7 Conclusion
As we reflect on these instances of anti-colonial resistance in the MENA region, the terms ”terrorist”
and ”rebel” emerge as contested labels wielded by colonial powers. The intricate historical contexts
and global parallels with figures like Nelson Mandela reveal the profound complexities of these struggles
for independence. These narratives, rich with details, contradictions, and global connections, continue
to shape the region’s contemporary identity, challenging simplistic categorizations and asserting an
enduring quest for freedom. Furthermore, this relates to many current events in the MENA region
and around the world. Which begs many questions to be asked: who are the real terrorists? and how
we define them? what is the difference between violence by freedom fighters resisting their (settler)
colonial oppressor and the colonial occupation aggression? and can we really equate and compare both
the violence of the oppressed and the oppressor?
By Laila Moaz
WATERMELON
The Palestinian flag was banned after the Six-day War in 1967, which lead to people being a lot more creative in their resistance
In the 1980s, artists in Ramallah were arrested for incorporating the colors of the Palestinian flag in their artwork. The Israeli chief of police made these artists stop making them.
Which led to the watermelon becoming the symbol for Palestinian resistance; since the watermelon encapsulates all four colors of the Palestinian flag: red, green, black, white.
Even holding or eating a watermelon in public in Palestine was viewed as a form of protest.
KEFFIYEH
Originally, the Palestinian Keffiyeh was worn by farmers in order to protect themselves from the harsh desert environment. As it was woven from cotton, it protected them from the weather while also being light enough for them to work in.
The scarf then turned into a symbol for high ranking men in Palestine, but is now a symbol for activism and solidarity with Palestinian people and their liberation.
There are three patterns on the keffiyeh
Olive branches - showing strength, resilience and perseverance
Fishnet - connection between Palestinian sailors and the Mediterranean Sea
Bold lines - trade route lines going through Palestine (Silk lines)
Now the Keffiyeh is also worn as a sign of protest against Israel.
KEY
After Palestinians were expelled from their homes during the Nakba, they kept their (house) keys as proof of ownership of their homes. Hoping for return, the Palestinians saved their keys in hopes that one day they would be able to return.
To this day, keys have been (and continue to be) passed down from generation to generation as a symbol for resistance and the enforcement of their right to return.
Keys are often held (as cardboard cut-outs for instance) during protests as a form of resistance to the fact that Palestinians are unable to return to their houses.
OLIVE BRANCH
Since 1967, more than eight-hundred thousand olive trees, some of which had been planted for centuries, were uprooted from Palestinian territories.
The endurance of the olive tree has served as a symbol for Palestinian resistance. The Islamic principles of ‘steadfastness’ (sumud) and ‘return’ (a’wda) are reflected in the characteristics of the olive tree.
Sumud is represented in the olive tree’s firmness and loyalty which is exhibited by its physical features.
A’wda is depicted in the olive tree’s ability to never give up on Palestinian resistance.
The olive tree also represents continuity.
Mahmoud Darwish, an iconic Palestinian poet and author, who often dedicated his work to the Palestinian cause, wrote a very popular quote on olive trees which goes to show their significance to Palestinian culture.
“If the olive trees knew the hands that planted them, their oil would become tears”
SOURCES
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palestinian_resistance_and_watermelons
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palestinian_key
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Palestinian_keffiyeh#:~:text=The%20Palestinian%20keffiyeh%20
https://hyperallergic.com/666111/how-watermelon-became-a-symbol-of-palestinian-resistance/
By Jude Shihab
The endless tensions and crises in the modern day MENA region, can be traced back to the events which catalysed the fall of the Ottoman Empire in 1922. Although for decades, the Empire maintained a steady decline on many fronts, it was a series of relentless betrayals and broken promises which catapulted the Empire into oblivion, replacing it with a strategically carved out map of a new Middle East- courtesy of the British Empire.
Towards the end of the 19th century, Western focus dramatically shifted from the colonial projects in Africa, to the prospects of economic gain from the Middle East. Greatness appeared to loom on the horizon for the region, in the wake of the discovery of the newest most valuable global currency- oil. This riled up European interest and involvement in the region. However, the united front of the Ottoman Empire seemed a daunting obstacle for the Europeans to overcome, and it became evidently clear that in order to gain control over the strategic region and its resources, it had to be broken down into divided smaller entities. The key to creating a divide came in the form of nationalism- if the Turks and Arabs ignited the flame of nationalistic ideals respectively, then the empire would be almost completely on a self-destructive path. However the British and French, who were perhaps the most interested in the region at the time, had understood that despite the declining state of the empire, the Arabs and Turks maintained a relatively strong brotherhood and a loyalty to the empire encompassing them. Thus it was of dire importance to plant the seeds of suspicion, doubts and frustration into the minds of either side. The two-pronged approach seemed to involve encouraging nationalistic movements whilst simultaneously convincing the Arabs and Turks that they were better off being separated.
Despite French involvement, the clear orchestrators of operations in the region were the British.
Colonel Thomas Edward Lawrence, better known as Lawrence of Arabia, would come to have
a pivotal role in creating the Arab revolts. Lawrence of Arabia is considered a controversial
figure to say the least, with the British hailing him a brave hero, and Arabs being divided into
those who consider him an Arab patriot, and those who found him to be cunning and deceitful.
Initially deployed in Egypt, Lawrence worked on inspiring the spirit of nationalism amongst
the Arabs in every region he travelled to. His ideas of Arab greatness and independence
were inspiring, especially considering that the Arabs were simultaneously being told that the
Turks were taking advantage of them and that they alon profited from the Empire, leaving
nothing for the Arabs to gain. He was incredibly charismatic and was known for swapping out
his army uniform for traditional Arab bedouin attire, which allowed him to appeal greatly to the
Arabs. It soon became difficult to ignore the ideas of Arab independence which transcended through the region, and many Arabs were inspired and ready to take on this fight for freedom. In that sense, Lawrence and the British had succeeded. But the reality was that the greater majority of Arabs maintained steady loyalty towards the Empire, and were simply not interested in the proposals of the British. Despite this, rising nationalism attracted the intrigue of Sharif Hussein Bin Ali, the Emir of Hijaz, and this intrigue would come to be pivotal for the future of the region.
Hijaz was the name given to parts of modern day Saudi-Arabia, namely the Western part containing the two jewels of the Islamic world- Mecca and Medina. It was the significance of the area in Islam, which gave its ruler so much power under the Ottoman Empire. Thus when the British understood that they could use Sharif Hussein as an ally in their schemes, it didn't matter anymore that the majority of Arabs were uninterested in independence, as they hoped his power and influence would be enough. Very quickly, the British proposed a promise to Hussein in a series of infamous letters known as the McMahon-Hussein Correspondence, that in exchange for mobilising and fighting with the British against the Ottoman Turks, he would be given an independent, united Arab State to rule. This proposal was very persuasive, as it placed him at the forefront of a new Arab dynasty which he could then pass down to his heirs. It seemed the perfect scenario, he would be able to unite the Arabs away from the Ottoman Turks and their control, and quite soon he made his agreement known to the British- the operation was now officially underway.
The Arab Revolt began in 1916, and placed at its head in Arabia, was T.E Lawrence. Well versed in military strategies, Lawrence became renowned for his guerilla fighting teachings which allowed the Arabs to capitalise on their advantages when facing a more structured Turkish army. He was initially sent to the heart of the revolt after Sharif Hussein was unable to ignite full-scale fighting. What he found when he arrived were guerilla naturals, who were only in need of funding and weaponry. It's very difficult to reference all the events of the Arab Revolt- that would require an entire separate Article. But to keep it very brief, Hussein and Lawrence worked closely to use whatever support they had, and extremely specialised strategies to fight and eventually defeat the Ottomans in October of 1918- Although Medina would not be surrendered until 1919. However it was during fighting that Sharif Hussein would begin to discover the British and French were not merely encouraging Arab nationalism, but that they had ulterior motives. It's also important to note that the Young Turk Revolt inspired many of these events, and weakened the Ottoman unity in the Turkish region, making it easier for the Arabs to garner their victory.
Unbeknownst to the Arabs, was the Sykes-Picot Agreement concluded in 1916, the same
year that the revolt began. The treaty was drawn up between Mark Sykes and
Francois Picot, respectively on behalf of Britain and France. The key was that it was
a secret agreement, with the Arabs having no knowledge of it. Part of the reason
why Lawrence of Arabia was considered a traitor at the end of his time, was because
he knew of the agreement, but did not disclose it to the Arabs he worked so closely with.
Essentially this agreement was drawn up between France and Britain in order to
partition the Arab territories into areas for each nation to control. It was a direct
contradiction to what the British had promised Sharif Hussein, and to Lawrence,
seemed an utter betrayal of the trust which the Arabs instilled in him. The following year
the Balfour declaration was announced, which effectively promised the creation of a
Jewish State on land known at the time as Palestine. These actions demonstrated clearly that the British intention all along was to obtain effective control over the region and expand their colonial prospects. Following WWI, this agreement was replaced by the San Remo agreement, alongside mandate policies for each of the newly divided regions. This would be the start of British and French de facto control over the region through puppet leaders and governments, whose positions of power relied on approval by their European counterparts- a concept still prevalent in the region today.
Sharif Hussein remains a controversial figure for the part he played in aiding the British to effectively divide
and conquer the Middle-East. His sons were deposited as leaders of the newly drawn up nations, whilst
the British had sent him into exile in Cyprus. The betrayal by the British was said to have had a stark
effect on Hussein, who was both embarrassed and heartbroken that his dreams of an Arab nation were
destroyed. As his health deteriorated, he was allowed to go to Amman where one of his sons ruled,
and where he would soon after pass away. But decades later, his legacy lives on as the man who
destroyed Arab unity through naive trust and pursuit of glory. His son Abdullah was made ruler of Jordan,
whilst Faisal was placed as ruler of Iraq. Faisal’s monarchy in Iraq would end only after its third King,
after he was brutally excecuted during a violent coup d’etat. Whereas the Jordanian monarchy
started by Abdullah continues to thrive into the twenty first century. Other notable families became
the Al-Saud family of modern day Saudi-Arabia, who launched an attack on Hussein and garnered control
over the area, deposing him of his role as Caliph, and leaving him to be exiled by the British.
With these key historical events in mind, the endless crises of the region can come as no surprise. Whether its issues of territorial control which arose after the British-French partitioning, or simply an inability for Arab leaders to act without prior approval by the West, its clear that the events of over a century ago continue to affect the region. Thus it comes as no surprise that many Arabs to this day hold immense resentment against the British and French, who carved up their lands, stole their artefacts and resources, and most notably, their freedom. Many Arabs consider that until each Arab nation removes the shackles of control placed on them by the West by standing against their demands, freedom will not truly be achieved. This inability to act is evident more than ever as the events continue to unfold in Gaza. Arab leaders have been exposed in an unprecedented manner, to be weak in the face of any Western pressure. Outside of finding synonyms for expressing their condemnations, they are completely paralysed by Western control and a fear of losing their own, Western indorsed, positions of leadership. All of these issues unequivocally stem from the British betrayal of the Arabs, and this theme of treason seems to have transcended into today, in the form of the Arab leaders.
Sources:
https://www-jstor-org.proxy-ub.rug.nl/stable/26098245?seq=2
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2008/2/4/a-warrior-of-arabia
https://www.iwm.org.uk/history/who-was-lawrence-of-arabia
https://balfourproject.org/a-desert-uprising-that-began-in-hope-but-was-doomed-to-end-in-betrayal/
https://www.jstor.org/stable/45197139
https://www.historynet.com/creating-chaos-lawrence-of-arabia-and-the-1916-arab-revolt/
https://interactive.aljazeera.com/aje/2016/sykes-picot-100-years-middle-east-map/index.html
https://www.history.com/news/ottoman-empire-fall
https://belleten.gov.tr/tam-metin/1948/eng
https://www.reviewofreligions.org/24721/hashimite-arab-revolt/
https://www.worldfuturefund.org/Reports/Imperialism/britainlies.html
By Janine Khoury-Brouwer
On the 22nd of november, 1943, Lebanon gained its independence from the French mandate over the country. This year marks its 80th anniversary of independence.
The concept of independence in Lebanon is often seen through a Western-centric lens as Lebanon
has been occupied by various civilizations over millennia, including Greeks, Romans, Arabs, and
Ottomans. One could say, Lebanon has gained “independence” many times before.
In fact, Lebanon is an old historical country as it contains some of the oldest cities; one of which,
Byblos, is where writing was first created.
From 1920 until World War II, France occupied Lebanon, but lost influence when France was invaded by Germany in 1940.
The Lebanese, seeing the defeat of their occupiers, started to demand independence, which led to elections in 1943 with the Lebanese Nationalist Party winning.
Soon after, their leader Bechara El Khoury became the first president, formed a government and declared the independence of Lebanon. As a result, he, and his fellow cabinet members were arrested and put in jail in the Rashaya castle.
International outcry and domestic protests led to their release 11 days later, the 22nd of
November, which is now considered Lebanon’s independence day.
The independence from France marked the official and internationally recognized
formation of Lebanon as a modern sovereign state. It played a crucial role in establishing
Lebanon's place in international relations and global politics.
With the exception of the 11 days of prison for the first independent government of
Lebanon, the handover of power was peaceful, and up to today, the political ties between
France and Lebanon remain strong.
Most Lebanese people are fluent in French, and it is one of the three main languages spoken in Lebanon, alongside Arabic and English.
French literature, music and food are still highly valued in Lebanon, and many youth continue their higher education in France.
Sources:
ما هو عيد الاستقلال في لبنان- موضوع
A century on: Why Arabs resent Sykes-Picot
Lebanon - French Mandate, Mediterranean, Phoenicians | Britannica
By Malahat Mammadova
Poetry has been used to convey the language of human emotions for generations, capturing the essence of introspection, self expression and revolutionary artistry. The origins of poetry are as old as time, with it being one of the primary pillars of culture throughout the rise and fall of a myriad of civilisations. One of those civilisations, the Sumerians, is accredited to have some of the earliest accounts of poetry, which have been discovered within the Epic of Gilgamesh. Civilizations and customs have changed plenty of times since, but one thing remains certain: the people from the surrounding regions of what used to be Mesopotamia have carried the legacy of poetic lyricism and storytelling until the present day. Although the MENA region boasts an impressive list of poets, from the classical to the contemporary era, here are just some of the prominent names from the modern age that will ignite your passion for poetry!
Kahlil Gibran - “Many of us spend our whole lives running from feeling with the mistaken belief that you can not bear the pain. But you have already borne the pain. What you have not done is feel all you are beyond that pain.”
Although originally hailing from Lebanon, Kahlil Gibran (born 1883) wrote and published most of his work in the United States and developed a reputation amongst the Arab literary world through his simple and direct style, which was a breath of fresh air from the more conventional strictures of a more classical tradition. Initially showing interest in being an artist, Gibran drew attention to his career as a poet while writing newspaper columns and books in Arabic. He is considered a prominent figure of the “New Age" in poetic expression due to his wish “to write a book that heals the world,” which manifested itself through his bestseller The Prophet. The collection of poetic essays, rich in philosophical musings and sentimental appeal, has sold more than ten million copies, making Gibran one of the best-selling poets in the world.
Nizar Qabbani - "In the summer I stretch out on the shore and think of you. Had I told the sea what I felt for you, it would have left its shores, its shells, its fish, and followed me."
The poetry of Nizar Qabbani (born 1923) was shaped by his staunch anti-authoriatrianism, romantic subject matters, his native Damascus in Syria, and support for women’s rights in conservative societies. The fusion of these elements can be demonstrated in masterpieces such as Biography of an Arab Executioner, A Poem for Bilqis, and Five Letters to My Mother. As the poet of lovers and revolutionaries alike, much of his widespread popularity is also owed to composing lyrics for Syrian and Lebanese vocalists, including Fairouz. However, the artist most commonly associated with bringing Qabbani’s poems to life is Iraqi singer Kazem Al Saher, who was dubbed as “The Caesar of Arabic Music” by the poet following their numerous collaborations.
Nazik Al-Malaika - “Why do we fear words, when they have been rose-palmed hands, fragrant, passing gently over our cheeks, and glasses of heartening wine sipped, one summer, by thirsty lips?”
Raised by two Iraqi poets and named after a Syrian women’s rights activist, Al-Malaika (born 1923) expressed an interest in artistic expression from an early age. She published her first collection of poems, Night’s Lover, in the same year as Cholera, considered to be one of the earliest Arabic poems written in free verse. Apart from her contributions to the world of poetry, she used her prolific status to deliver impassioned speeches on women’s role in Arab society and penned deeply introspective and socially critical poems such as The Tragedy of Life and a Song for Man.
Adonis - “What shall I say to the body I abandoned in the rubble of the house in which I was born?”
Adonis (born 1930) is one of Syria’s most revered poets who started poetry in his late teens and has since attached his name to the genre of revolutionary Arabic poems. He penned most of his works while in Lebanon, following his year in prison as a result of his affiliations to a secular, nationalistic political party. Describing his poetry as “a network rather than a single rope of thought,” Adonis has won multiple awards, including the Highest Award of the International Poem Biennial, and has taught in universities across three countries. Despite being viewed as one of the great modernizers of Arabic verse, his works always retained a traditional link, with his main contributions being Mihyar of Damascus: His Songs and If Only the Sea Could Sleep.
Mahmoud Darwish - “Every beautiful poem is an act of resistance”
A list highlighting poets from the Middle East wouldn’t be complete without a mention of Mahmoud Darwish (born 1941), also dubbed the resistance poet due to the expression of his dissenting voice through his poetry, intertwining the personal with the political as a homage to his homeland of Palestine. Darwish’s ability to forge a consciousness of the plight of his people through the use of his intellectual and aesthetic prose is reminiscent of Percy Shelly’s remark on how “poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world”. Having written over 30 books of poetry and 8 books of prose over his lifetime, he was awarded the Prince Claus Fund of principal prize in Amsterdam in 2004. With numerous accolades and reverence across the Arab world, much of his poetry paints an image of exile and belonging in the form of heartfelt works such as Identity Card, Leaves of Olive and Unfortunately, It Was Paradise.
Sources:
https://www.history.com/news/what-is-the-oldest-known-piece-of-literature
https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poets/mahmoud-darwish
https://www.theguardian.com/books/2008/aug/11/poetry.israelandthepalestinians
https://poets.org/poet/kahlil-gibran
https://daily.jstor.org/kahlil-gibran-godfather-of-the-new-age/
https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poets/adonis
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Nizar-Qabbani
By Nabiha Duaa
The Sudanese spirit, culture, and compassion have endured significant challenges over time. Positioned as a crossroads between the cultural traditions of Africa and the Mediterranean, Sudan, in theory, offers a harmonious blend of both worlds. Despite its potential as a thriving hub for tourism and tranquillity due to its rich culture, heritage and resources, Sudan finds itself in the throes of a civil war, with the global community largely turning a blind eye to the suffering of its people. The nation has grappled with a complex history of coups and uprisings, worsening since 2019, while the international community remains largely passive.
The ongoing civil strife is a power struggle between the armed forces aligned with Gen Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, the de facto leader since the ousting of the dictatorial leader Omar al-Bashir, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) under Gen Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, also known as Hemedti. Al-Bashir initially formed the RSF to quell rebellion in Darfur resulting from socio-economic and political marginalisation by the central government, and then formalised the group in 2013. This unit was subsequently deployed in multiple missions to suppress uprisings and take part in ongoing wars in Yemen and Libya. The collaboration between regular military forces and the RSF led to the removal of Al-Bashir in 2019, with the intention of transitioning to a democratic civilian-led government. Unfortunately, a coup in October 2021 disrupted this process, escalating tensions into the full-blown war witnessed today.
The civil conflict has triggered a surge in accusations of sexual abuse and violence by paramilitary forces, particularly in the Darfur region. RSF's advancement has led to the capture of Darfur's state capitals, leaving civilians in fear. Reports from aid workers and witnesses detail mass crimes, including sexual violence, torture, and killings, primarily targeting the Masalit ethnic group. The toll is staggering, with 10,400 casualties and 23 million people requiring urgent aid, comprising half of Sudan's population. Exploiting the vulnerable situation, the RSF has enslaved individuals, subjecting them to dehumanizing conditions, including forced sexual acts for basic necessities like food and water. Children, women and men have all been subjected to such circumstances and conditions, from flogging to enslavement in brothels, with people being sold and exchanged for prices as low as just $10.
Since the 2019 uprising, civilian demands for military oversight and integration of the RSF into regular armed forces have been consistent. Civilians also seek the relinquishment of lucrative military holdings in various industries, a key source of power for the army. However, these demands are overshadowed by the escalating violence, displacing masses and silencing voices.
Complicating the prospect of a democratic civilian-led government is the geopolitical exploitation of Sudan's strategic location and agricultural wealth by countries such as the UAE, Russia, the US, and Saudi Arabia. These nations vie for influence, each with its own objectives. While some see Sudan's transition as an opportunity to counter fundamentalist Islamist influence, the grave human rights violations in Sudan are often overlooked.
The crimes committed by the RSF, coupled with the hardships faced by the Sudanese people and the regional implications of the conflict in the MENA region, demand attention. The global community cannot allow major powers to treat the lives of Sudanese people as mere collateral damage, nor can they themselves be complicit by not raising awareness about this massive humanitarian crisis that Sudan currently faces.
Sources:
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/apr/27/sudan-conflict-why-is-there-fighting-what-is-at-stake
https://edition.cnn.com/2023/11/16/africa/sudan-investigation-rsf-enslavement-intl-cmd/index.html
https://carnegieendowment.org/sada/90382
By Hamza Reedy
Black
Deep and resolute, black symbolises the struggles endured during the Arab Revolt, a testament to the determination for freedom and sovereignty. Its presence in Arab flags echoes the commitment to overcoming historical oppression and embracing a new era.
White
Crisp and pure, white embodies the hope for a brighter future, drawing inspiration from the Umayyad Caliphate. It signifies a collective vision for a harmonious Arab world, free from strife, and committed to progress and prosperity.
Green
Vibrant and fertile, green, rooted in Islam and the Fatimid Caliphate, signifies growth and unity. It represents the shared cultural heritage of Arab nations, fostering a connection to the land and the collective prosperity that comes from standing together.
Red
Bold and passionate, red pays homage to the Hashemite dynasty and the sacrifices made for independence. It embodies the courage and resilience of those who fought for their nations, leaving an indelible mark on the flags as a symbol of unwavering determination.
By Luca Schmit
Introduction:
Although today Jewish history as it relates to the MENA region has become dominated by the
Israel-Palestine conflict and a narrative of Jews and Arabs fated to fighting each other, a further study of Jewish-MENA history reveals a much more colorful, dynamic and fascinating picture. Not only do we discover Jews living, for the most part, peacefully in predominantly Muslim or Arab countries for most of human history, but also, through this we discover the untold contributions made by Jews in these societies. This uncovers a deep and mutually beneficial relationship whereby Jews not only engaged in commerce, cultural exchange or scientific advancement with and within the MENA region but, in certain cases as we shall see, went as far as picking up the sword and fighting in service of Muslim states against kingdoms once called home. Leading to a truly captivating phenomenon: the rise and birth of Jewish piracy throughout the MENA region, the Mediterranean and beyond.
Expulsion and Ruin:
The story of Jewish piracy begins not with a choice but with the lack of one. In 1492 the ambitious, pious and dynamic co-rulers of Spain Isabella I of Castille (r.1474 - 1504) and Ferdinand II of Aragon (r.1479 - 1516) enacted, from within their newly conquered palace in Grenada, the Alhambra Decree. The decree stipulated and required all Jews under Spanish dominion to either convert or leave the country within the next four months under penalty of death. Furthermore, any remaining Jewish assets would be seized by the crown and passage out of the country had to be planned, and paid for, by the Jews themselves. Through the stroke of a pen, the ‘Catholic Monarchs’ of Spain expelled and forcefully converted 400,000 Jews, representing 31% of the total global Jewish population, and thereby ending 750 years of Jewish Sephardic existence in Iberia.
In the aftermath of the Alhambra Decree,the Sephardic community was scattered in all directions. The largest contingent, around 150,000, resettled in the growing Ottoman Empire under the official protection and support of Sultan Bayezid II (r.1481 - 1512). Many other groups or numbers fled to Algeria, Morocco and Egypt, including one Abraham Zacuto (1452 - c.1515), who previously had served as Royal Astronomer for King John II of Portugal (r.1481 - 1495). These countries had pre-existing Jewish communities, with other significant numbers of refugees resettling in the Dutch Republic and the trading cities of Northern Europe. Under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, the Sultanate of Morocco and the Saadi Sultanate, although imposing certain restrictions on Jews such as a special tax (Jizya), restricted living quarters (ex. Mellah/Ghetto in Fez) and occasional requirements on dress, the Sephardic refugees were able to take root in relatively prosperous, tolerant and safe conditions; keen to put their skills and talents to use.
What exactly were those skills and talents? They were knowledge and expertise in cartography, navigation and commerce. Throughout the Sephardic Silver Age (1204 - 1391), Jews were deeply involved in important innovations in map-making, navigational tools and general seafaring, most famously embodied by the Majorcan Cartographic School. Some Jews even served in prominent Spanish naval expeditions, such as Gaspar of the Indies (c.1444 - c.1510), who was a crucial interpreter and guide to Vasco de Gama (c.1460’s - 1524). Moreover, Sephardic Jews, due to being restricted to mainly money-handling and commerce, required both trade networks and contacts to survive economically but also extensive knowledge of languages, navigation and seafaring to undertake such trade in the first place. This all meant that Sephardic Jews were in some ways uniquely suited to a pirate’s or sailor’s life. Expulsion was subsequently merely the trigger for channeling those skills into the domain of piracy instead of commerce; a mixture of revenge and brilliance.
Those skills and talents were additionally suited to take advantage of a rapidly changing world. In the same year as their expulsion, Columbus “discovered” the New World, thereby bringing the Americas into an emerging Atlantic trading network. Meanwhile, as Europe opened a Pandora's box of wealth, the period saw the continued expansion of the Ottomans who, starting from the 1500’s and under the leadership of Suleiman the Magnificent (r.1520 - 1566), established control across North Africa in a wider effort to challenge Christian naval power and trade control in the region. This meant that, just as the waters of the Atlantic and the Mediterranean were awash with gold, silver and goods, Sephardic Jews found themselves, with an incredible set of maritime talents, expelled from and resentful towards the Christian kingdoms of Iberia. Simultaneously, they were faced with a MENA region in growing need of skilled sailors that could fight those very kingdoms. The stage was therefore set; all that was left to do was sail and plunder away.
Revenge and Re-Invention:
In this crucible of opportunity several key figures arose that showcased the talent and contributions made by Jewish pirates and their activities. These two figures, for which there exists a degree of in-depth historical research, are Sinan Reis (b.1533 - 1556) and Samuel Pallache (c.1550 - 1616). Both of these men, although Jewish pirates, utilized their talents in different ways and lived in two distinct halves of the period being covered. It is through their lives that we can begin to piece together the life of Jewish pirates while also grasping at how their piracy interacted with and affected the MENA region in turn.
Our first historical Jewish pirate is Sinan Reis who bore the memorable nickname of “The Great Jew”. Although his origins are unclear Sinan was, likely, born in the early 1500’s to a Sephardic Jewish family which had been expelled from Spain and eventually settled in the city of Smyrna. From there Sinan became a corsair and officer under the legendary Hayreddin Barbarossa “Redbeard” (c.1478 - 1546). The two most famous engagements Sinan Reis participated in, alongside countless raids and ship seizures, were the capture of Tunis in 1534, and the Battle of Preveza in 1538. In command of 100 ships, Sinan led an attack on Tunis as part of a wider attack by Barbarossa to capture the city. After successfully capturing it, Sinan was entrusted with 5,000 of Barbarossa’s best men to defend the city from Charles V's (r.1519 - 1556) subsequent counter-attack in 1535. Despite being faced with 30,000 to 60,000 troops, Sinan was able to defend the city for 24 days before unfortunately having to withdraw, leading to the capture and subsequent massacre of 70,000 civilians by Charles’ troops. Furthermore during the Battle of Preveza, it was in part Sinan’s strategic advice, such as landing troops on land at nearby Actium, that enabled the Ottomans to secure victory despite a substantially smaller force. Sinan the Jew would in the end pass away in 1556, after suffering a heavy illness, all while having dreams to go raiding in the Indian ocean, leaving behind a career and life marked by bloodshed, ruthless fighting and merciless piracy throughout the entirety of the Mediterranean.
Meanwhile, the story of Samuel Pallache offers up a different side of Jewish piracy. While Sinan was renowned for his military daring and gall, Simon Pallache would instead be remembered for his diplomacy. Samuel was born in around 1550 in the Moroccan city of Fez to the prominent Pallache family. His father had once served as a rabbi in Cordoba while Samuel’s uncle, Judah Uziel, was the current chief rabbi of Fez. After receiving a religious education Samuel would go on to serve the Sultan of Morocco on diplomatic or trade missions to Spain and various other countries. Through this position Pallache would gradually become involved in countless schemes, with one involving defrauding the Spanish by promising to capture a port in return for funding and the right to settle in Spain. Once these schemes inevitably soured or backfired, Samuel and his brother Joseph were forced to flee to Amsterdam. Throughout this period Pallache would engage in countless acts of piracy, often being under the official sanction of the Dutch Republic, acting both as a privateer for the Dutch and a crucial diplomatic link to the Sultanate of Morocco and the rest of the MENA region. This would culminate in Samuel and his brother being instrumental in negotiating an alliance and treaty between the Netherlands and Morocco in 1610, one of the first ever treaties between a European country and a non-Christian nation after those signed between France and the Ottoman Empire in the 16th century. In 1614 Samuel Pallache would be arrested, brought to London and charged with piracy but thanks to the personal intervention of Stadtholder Prince Maurice of Nassau would be freed and brought to Amsterdam. There he would die in 1616, by then practically destitute, but still seeking to find cunning ways to mess with the Spanish.
Conclusion:
Consequently, the tales of Sinan Reis and Samuel Pallache, alongside the wider phenomenon of Jewish piracy to which they belonged, can reveal a lot to us about the state of the MENA region at the time and the connections which marked it. Through piracy Sephardic Jews were not only able to take revenge on the kingdoms which had mistreated, abused and expelled them but amazingly, through such actions were able to reforge their sense of self and ensure the continuation of Jewish communities throughout North Africa and beyond. Piracy enabled them to survive economically, take pride and satisfaction in their work, to utilize the skills which they had practiced for generations and to benefit and repay the rulers and states which gave them refuge and a new home.
Furthermore, through the lives of Jewish pirates an often unexplored realm of connection and cooperation is revealed within the MENA region. The extent and depth of piracy demonstrates a MENA region that was deeply interwoven within the global economy and geopolitics, of a region in flux that could nonetheless effectively challenge Christian kingdoms up north. It showcases the depth and extent to which Muslim states engaged in commerce, war and diplomacy with countries and places as far off as Northern Europe and even, once, Iceland (a story for another time). It proves and testifies to the continued vibrance and dynamism of the MENA region in a world who’s center of power was slowly, but surely, shifting westwards towards the Atlantic and the New World and, finally, showcases the important and diverse roles and contributions Sephardic Jews made to it, whether through raising a black flag or wearing a star of David.
Sources:
By Luca Schmit
Introduction
The recent escalation of violence in the Israeli-Palestinian ‘Conflict’ raises once again the specter and fear of mass forced migration and displacement. This is a story that is all too common and shared by millions of Palestinians, a story of ethnic cleansing, deportations, migrations, and the hope of return, and it is a crucial aspect that we need to understand to fully comprehend the tragedy that is unfolding and perhaps grasp ways in which we can solve it.
Why Diaspora?
The origins of the Palestinian diaspora were caused by specific historical events, paired with long-term policies and processes. This has led to the dispossession of a whole people, and the creation of a diaspora around the globe, but this occurred due to factors outside of Palestinians and which constitutes a historic crime against an entire people.
The major events of this history are:
● The Nakba of 1948 = Catastrophe of 1948, the defining trauma of Palestinian history, wherethrough a combination of executions, arrests, raids, and other violent means undertaken under Plan Dalet, Zionist militias ethnically cleansed Palestine in the forerun to the establishment of the State of Israel, leading to the expulsion of around 750,000 Palestiniansfromtheir homes.
● Establishment of the UNRWA =In the aftermath of the 1948Arab-IsraeliWar, theUNestablishesthe United Nations Relief and WorksAgency for Palestine Refugeesin theNear Eastto provide assistance and human development to Palestinian refugees in the MENA region. The UNRWA has grown into a massive subpart of the UN that employs around 30,000 people, manages and oversees around 68 refugee camps, and is tasked with helping a staggering 5.6 million Palestinian refugees as of 2019.
● The Casablanca Protocol agreement or set of standards reached by members of the Arab League on the 11th of September 1965, which attempted to regularize the legal protections of Palestinian refugees throughout the Arab world. It attempted to ensure rights of movement, abode, and work in resident
countries due to an existent lack of enforcement but was applied unevenly and became effectively revoked in 1991.
● Six Day War (1967) = A further 280,000 to 325,000 Palestinians were displaced and forcefully left Palestine in the Naksa-“Setback”, which saw Israel reach its territorial height, and begin the organized zionist settlement of the West Bank, despite protests by even the Israeli government under Levi Eshkol.
● Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990) = Throughout the Lebanese Civil War Palestinians found themselves victims of extreme violence, such as during the Battle of the Camps. Furthermore, tensions in the country were amplified by violence against Palestinians in other countries such as Jordan in 1970, and internally with the horrific Sabra and Shatilla Massacresin in 1982.
● Syrian Civil War (2011-Present) = Palestinians have been victims and casualties during the Syrian Civil War with many seeking refuge in Europe alongside millions of other refugees from the country. The civil war and its consequences are always Palestinian communities now exist throughout Western Europe, particularly in Scandinavia.
The Palestinian Diaspora Today
Today, the Palestinian diaspora spans the globe comprising more than a million people-meaning that around 50% of Palestinians are forced to live outside their homeland. The diaspora, while international, remains heavily concentrated in the MENA region. Here are some of the most prominent Palestinian communities across the region:
● Israel- 1,427,000
● Jordan - 634,000
● Syria - 418,000
● United Arab Emirates- 350,000
● Lebanon - 340,000
● Saudi Arabia - 280,000
● Qatar- 56,000
● Kuwait- 43,000
● Egypt- 30,000 to 100,000
Despite this concentration, prominent Palestinian communities have been established in unlikely places such as the USA, Chile, and the Nordic countries. Finland is more Palestinian than the whole of France for example:
● United States of America - 310,000
● Chile - 205,000
● Denmark - 15,000
● Sweden - 10,000
● Finland - 3,500
● France - 2,000 to 3,000
In all of these places, Palestinians have gone on to become well-known figures, playing an active role in society, which is often but not always, defined by struggles for human rights, themes of conflict and peace, and pro-Palestinian advocacy.
Interesting people spanning this diaspora include:
● Sama (Raena) Alshaibi = Iraqi-Palestinian American artist and photographer whose works principally focus on spaces of conflict; themes such as war, power, exile, and survival feature prominently in her work and Alshaibi often utilizes her body in many of her pieces to represent certain issues or countries. Her parents fled the Nakba of 1948, and afterward, her family moved due to the Iran-Iraq War ending up in Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Jordan before finally settling in the USA in 1986; Alshaibi’sfilms“Goodbyeto the Weapon” and “Where the Birds Fly” deal extensively with this experience. Sama Alshaibi is now a Professor of Photography at the University of Arizona and a Guggenheim Fellow.
● José “Pepe” Zalaquett Daher = Chilean-Palestinian human rights lawyer and advocate. Famous for his involvement in the Comité Pro Paz which defended human rights and provided legal counsel and support to detainees and prisoners under the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet.Arrested twice in 1975 by Chilean security forces and then sent into exile. Pepe would not return to Chile till 1986 but would while abroad serve as the head of the international executive committee of Amnesty International. They also served on the National Truth and Reconciliation Commission during Chile’s transition to democracy in the 1990s. Unfortunately passed away on the 15th of March 2020 at the age of 78.
● Nasri = Canadian-Palestinian musician, singer, songwriter, and producer and son of Palestinian Christian immigrants from Bethlehem. Helped found and lead the reggae fusion band “MAGIC!” which is best
known for its 2013 international hit ‘Rude’. Also part of the music production duo “The Messengers” which was written and produced by Shakira, LanaDel Ray, Pitbull, and Justin Bieber. (Insert picture in the doc)
● Antoine Izméry = Palestino-Haitian businessman and pro-democracy activist.One of the wealthiest men in Haiti who backed its first democratically elected president, Jean-Bertrand Aristide, in the 1990 elections. Following the 1991 military coup, Izméry founded the KOMEVEB organization which attempted to restore democratic government and uncover the classified details of the military coup. For thisIzmérywasmurdered by Haitian government paramilitaries on the 11th of September 1993.
The Right of Return
As we have just shown, the rich and diverse subparts of the Palestinian diaspora have each contributed in their ways to new home countries and realities; the diaspora, while shaped by deep historical traumas, has also been a source of strength and identity to millions of Palestinians. However, what does the future hold for the diaspora?
Stemming from the famous UN Resolution 194, the central demand of Palestinian organizations and communities, and the entire Palestinian diaspora, remains to this day the ‘Right of Return’; the inviolable right of Palestinians to live in their homeland and move freely throughout. Thisrightisrepresented symbolically by a key, as many Palestinian refugees of the nakba kept a hold of the keys to their homes when they fled, and it serves today as a powerful symbol of the historic injustice that has yet to be undone, atoned for, and rectified.
Palestinians are still waiting for their right to return, we must fight so that they wait no longer!
Sources:
● Palestinian diaspora -Wikipedia
● Palestinian refugees-Wikipedia
● The Palestinian diaspora and the State-Building Process- Taher Labadi
● Analysis of"PalestiniansWorldwide: ADemographic Study"
● PlanDalet-Wikipedia
● “The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine” by Ilan Pappe
● “The Six-DayWar: The Breaking of the Middle East” by Laron
● UNRWA-Wikipedia
● List ofUnitedNationsresolutionsconcerning Palestine-Wikipedia
● AntoineIzméry -Wikipedia
● Jean-BertrandAristide-Wikipedia
● José Zalaquett-Wikipedia
● SamaAlshaibi -Wikipedia
● Nasri (musician) -Wikipedia
● UnitedNationsGeneralAssembly Resolution 194 -Wikipedia
● 1967 Palestinian exodus-Wikipedia
● Palestinian casualties of war-Wikipedia
● Keys&the Right of Return - Museum of the Palestinian People
● https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sabra_and_Shatila_massacre
● Lebanese CivilWar-Wikipedia
By Laila Moaz
Stereotypical gender-roles and patriarchal structures are an unfortunate aspect of society in the MENA region. Even the portrayal of women in cinema outside the region diminishes from women’s experiences and fails to correctly display their capabilities, ambitions and resilience. Despite this, there are many women who have had a great influence during their time. Whether it be political discourse, women’s rights, or simply inspiring the masses, there have been multiple notable women in the MENA region which still continue to impact people to this day. Ergo, this article will list a few, out of many, women who have impacted, and continue to impact, the MENA region. There will be a focus on women who were active in the entertainment industry in between the 40s and 80s.
Fairouz (1935- present)
For the Arab diaspora, and people within the MENA region, Fairouz is the symbol of hope. Fairouz is a constant; it’s her music that plays on the radio every morning on your way to school. Every other Arab family has her playing on the radio to start their day, or while having their afternoon tea. Hailing from Lebanon, Fairouz was born Nuhad al-Haddad coming from an Arab Christian family. The stage name Fairouz translates to ‘turquoise’ in Arabic. Upon gaining recognition, she composed and wrote music alongside the Rahbani Brothers. Through her unorthodox melodies and tunes, Fairouz captured the attention, and the hearts, of the MENA people. She dedicated music to Palestinians after the Nakba in 1948, titled “Al-Quds” and “Zahrat Al-Mada’en”, which translates to the Flower of Cities. At the time, and to this day, she connected Arabs all over the world with her music; it was relatable, and provided a sense of hope and security. Further, during the Lebanese civil war (starting in 1975), Fairouz didn’t leave the country, and instead composed music dedicated to the struggles at the time. In her songs, Fairouz spoke to people directly, and appealed to them, again connecting individuals across Lebanon, and the MENA. Her emotions, and storylines touched so many people because they were real. Other than her enrapturing voice and lyricism, Fairouz was a source of inspiration due to her ability to grow and make a name for herself despite being from a small, poor town in Lebanon. It’s safe to say that she has become a cultural icon. With performances all over the MENA region and abroad, Fairouz has cemented herself as a major idol in the entertainment industry in the MENA region. The impact she’s left on people with her music has made her to be one of the greats in MENA culture.
Umm Kulthum (1898-1975)
Umm Kulthum was more than just an artist to the MENA region. Her story begins during the early stages of her life. Since her father was a well-known Imam in the town she lived in, Umm Kulthum spent a lot of her time focusing on religious studies - understanding the Quran, reciting its verses, and learning how to enunciate the words of the Book. Practicing and training in Quranic vocal arts and pronunciation shaped her voice as a performer. It is because of all her practice that she had a remarkable command of the Arabic language. Furthermore, her devotion to religion, and her upbringing played a role in how she impacted the MENA region as an artist and musician. One of her many achievements was the ability to bring together Arabs of different religious backgrounds together. Umm Kulthum’s socio-economic situation prior to gaining popularity proved to people that through hard work and perseverance, a lot can be achieved. Aside from that, she was one of the very few women at the time that was able to influence individuals in the region. Due to the political climate in Egypt at the time, Umm Kulthum devoted songs to the nation. She was involved in political discourse at the time, and thus became more proactive in her music - stating that she will sacrifice herself for Egypt. Speaking out in the way she did allowed her to connect with her audience even further; with so much uncertainty at the time, Umm Kulthum was able to emotionally bond with the people of Egypt. With the Egyptian Revolution taking place shortly after, Umm Kulthum displayed her favor for a coup, and once the political turmoil washed over she was labeled as Egypt’s voice. In a documentary on Umm Kulthum’s story, it was stated that she was like the Great Pyramids of Egypt, “no one can do what she did.” The influence she had on people at the time was unmistakable; her legacy will forever live on.
Dalida (1933-1987)
You wouldn’t expect a French-Italian model, actress, and singer to be on this list, and yet here we are. Dalida was born and raised in Cairo, Egypt despite being ethnically Italian. At first, Dalida was only known as a model, and kick started her singing career in Paris, France. She put her all into her music and career, so much so that it took away from her private life. Her passion for her job, and maintaining her persona was important to her. Dalida was attached to her time in Egypt, as well as the culture, and the language. Thus, she began making songs in Arabic for Egypt. Through her music, she connected further with Egypt as she demonstrated her love for the country and culture. One example would be, “Ahsan Nas” which was dedicated to the people of Egypt and the different cities of the country. The song displays her appreciation for all the different cultures and traditions within the state. “Helwa Ya Baladi” is the most notable piece she had in Arabic, as it is dedicated to her memories and attachment to Egypt. The song has become a great symbol for Egyptian nationalistic pride, and was sung by thousands of Egyptians who gathered in Tahrir Square during the 2011 Egyptian Revolution. It’s safe to say that Dalida’s music has left a lasting impression on the MENA region, Egyptians especially.
Warda (1939-2012)
Warda Al-Jazairia (which directly translates to ‘The Algerian Rose’) began her singing career in her father’s cabaret in France named The Tam - Tam. The purpose of the cabaret was to gather the MENA diaspora in one social setting, where they could connect and share ideas. After the Algerian War for independence from French imperialism began, Warda and her family were exiled from France, and thus moved to Lebanon. Once they settled in Beirut, Warda began performing in multiple cabarets only to be recognized by the father of composition in the Middle East at the time, Mohamed Abdel Wahab. Eventually, he took her to Egypt where she met the then-president Gamal Abdel Nasser, who was an influential president who advocated for Arab nationalism. Warda then became part of the line up for an Opera, where she performed alongside with other popular singers at the time. Through these performances, she became a symbol of hope for the Algerian people, who were fighting for liberation from the French. Upon gaining popularity, Warda also starred in films. Her media presence diminished after her marriage to an Algerian man who forbade her from singing and acting. After ten years of marriage, she divorced him and went back to Egypt to continue her career. Divorce was quite taboo at the moment, to say the least, so a lot of women at the time were inspired by Warda and her ability to get through the situation. Warda’s impact on the women within the region is unmistakable; she challenged taboos, stereotypes and how women pursued their careers.
Faten Hamama (1931-2015)
“Lady of the Arabic Screen”, Faten Hamama was a legend in the entertainment industry during her time. One of her most famous works was a movie titled “I Want a Solution” where she addressed women’s right to file a divorce, and resulted in the amendment of Egyptian laws at the time. Her roles in movies pushed aside many different taboos for women at the time, heavily advocating for women’s rights within the country. Hamama impacted the system so much that presidents all over the MENA region, past and present, have praised her for talent and her impact. The messages she’s relayed in her movies were often rejected and dismissed by individuals who stick to patriarchal ideologies and disregard women. Regardless, Faten Hamama left behind a legacy in the region which reflected the reality of women’s oppression and their experiences in the MENA region. Named the ‘Star of the Century’ during the Alexandria International Film Festival in 2001, Faten Hamama has left a mark in the history of cinema and women’s rights in the MENA region.
Sources:
Fairouz
Umm kolthum
Dalida
Warda
Faten hamama
By Janine Khoury-Brouwer
“Nothing’s going to actually change,” says Nisrine (name changed for anonymity), an 18 year
old student in France who recently immigrated from Lebanon. She was referring to the several
major events that have dramatically worsened the quality of life in her home country. Lebanon, a
nation nestled between Syria, Israel and the mediterranean sea, has experienced a revolution in
2019, shortly followed by the COVID-19 pandemic, a destructive and fatal explosion in the
Beirut port in 2020, all whilst navigating total economic and political collapse. Mirrored by the
increasing cost of living and frequent electricity cuts, these factors motivate 48% of Lebanese
citizens to want to live abroad. The main societal group affected by the situation is the youth of
Lebanon, as nearly two thirds (63%) of citizens aged 18-29 years old want to immigrate.
Having been in Paris for little over a month, Nisrine explains that she chose to study abroad
mainly because of the better academic and professional opportunities offered in Europe. The
young student is part of a growing trend in Lebanon called the “brain drain.” Brain drain is a
term that illustrates the shift in Lebanese demography as many who either have or are seeking
higher education, are immigrating. The fact that “everyone else was also flying abroad” also
encouraged Nisrine to apply to international universities. Nisrine even shares that she “didn't
consider Lebanon to be a first choice at any point,” when talking about her application process.
Despite a plethora of reasons encouraging her to immigrate, many difficulties arose once Nisrine
began her studies. “People in Europe live in an entirely different world,” she exclaimed, “you
can't adapt to life here, I feel like there's a wall between me and them.” While cultural
differences have affected Nisrine quite a bit, they have also helped her appreciate her life in
Lebanon much more. She describes how emotionally draining emigrating was for her: “leaving
isn't hard, it's hard when you realize you've actually left and you're not coming back.” Missing
family, friends and homeland is a sentiment shared with all Lebanese students who go abroad.
Despite her longing for home, Nisrine is committed to staying in France. The student doesn’t
regret leaving her home country in pursuit of a better life, as she finds the situation in Lebanon to
be hopeless.
Hopelessness was also an emotion that encouraged another Lebanese student to apply abroad,
only now much farther. Mariam Itani is a second year chemical engineering student at the
University of Toronto, in Canada. Mariam shares that she “noticed a new huge political influence
in the universities in Lebanon,” which encouraged her to apply abroad. The country’s
consociational democratic system is often described as the root of Lebanon’s dire state. From the
top down, Lebanon’s society is organized along religious lines. For instance, the President has to
be Christian Maronite, the Prime Minister Sunni Muslim and the Speaker of the House Shiite
Muslim. This system spreads throughout all levels in Lebanon. Mariam expresses concern that
professional quality no longer matters, only belonging to the right sect will get you appointed,
even in academic positions. Similar to Nisrine, Mariam also emigrated as she believes “it opens
more doors” for her. Furthermore, she explained that “having other international students in the
university really helps,” allowing her to be better integrated into life abroad. Notwithstanding her
short time spent in Canada, Mariam firmly believes that doesn't see herself “being able to settle
in Lebanon anytime in the near future.” Nevertheless, she views her new experiences as crucial
for ultimately helping Lebanon: “I will be better prepared to make a change now I know more
clearly what the country needs.”
While Nisrine and Mariam experience student life in the Western world, Hadi Zoghaib decided
to stay in Lebanon. The 18 year old recently enrolled in a bachelors in Mathematics at the
American University of Beirut (AUB). Even though Hadi “really likes it here,” he expresses
uncertainty regarding his decision: “I’m not even sure I’m gonna finish my degree here.” The
student explains that the main causes behind his staying in Lebanon are his family and
educational cost. Having been admitted to Boston University and Georgia Tech, “the ridiculously
expensive” tuition fees were a main limiting factor for him. From a personal perspective, he talks
about how his “emotional connections to friends and family” encouraged Hadi to remain in
Lebanon for the time being: “Your family that's why you wanted to stay to be with them, and it's
also that they wanted me to stay.” When addressing the current national crisis, Hadi exhibits
gratitude towards the AUB which he considers to be a shelter from the situation. “It does feel
nice to have a place where you feel completely safe and you don't really have to worry. That's a
human right that everybody should have.”
Another person attending the same university is Racha Mawla, a 20 year old student who’s
nearly done with her bachelors degree in Graphic Design. Having spent more time than Hadi in
AUB, she is able to reflect on her decision to stay in Lebanon with more clarity. Racha stayed for
personal reasons, namely to stay close to her sister and mother: “I'm in the country, I know it's
my comfort zone.” Along with her “really good program,” Racha doesn’t regret her decision.
Although she enjoyed her bachelors in Lebanon, the student thinks that she “would continue
studying abroad and leave... most probably stay there.” Her choice to pursue a masters degree
elsewhere seems like the natural next step for her “of course I'm gonna do it abroad! I don't know
where yet and everyone says it's better to do it abroad than in Lebanon, there's more
opportunities outside. Even graphic designers who work here (Lebanon) say that.” Ultimately,
Racha’s main motivation is professional and academic benefits, rather than the crises affecting
her home country: “if you have an amazing offer in Lebanon or an amazing offer wherever that's
what makes the difference.”
Comparing and contrasting these four very unique cases is quite challenging, as they offer a
more qualitative approach to understanding the brain drain. In order to get a pragmatic view on
the matter, Dr. Fida Afiouni agreed to an interview. Dr. Afiouni is a professor at the American
University of Beirut, whose field of specialization is HR management and women’s integration
in the labour market. She believes that the brain drain is slowly decreasing, despite Foreign
Policy dubbing it “a terminal brain drain.” In 2020 AUB “lost around 10% of the confirmed
applicants because they decided to leave the country last minute after the Beirut blast, but after
the economic collapse we've seen an increase in graduate students applications.” According to
Dr. Afiouni, a possible explanation is that “many people wanted to get their money out of the
bank by investing in their education.”
Yet, having an adequate number of applicants does not necessarily mean that the quality of
students who remain in the country has stayed the same. Moreover, Dr. Afiouni describes how
the brain drain is also a direct result of professionals emigrating: “In the academic year of
2020-2021 following the blast we've had many faculty members leave.” Effectively, a study
shows that over 1 500 members of faculty and staff have been let go or have left the American
University of Beirut and its subsidiary medical center in 2021. This led to “a lot of burnout felt
among the remaining faculty and staff because they had to carry the load after so many of their
colleagues left: they are understaffed and overburdened.” Nonetheless, there is a “good number
of doctors who have returned recently to AUB,” Dr. Afiouni even thinks “this is a good sign that
we are going towards recovery.”
When discussing her own students’ pursuits of higher education, Dr. Afiouni explains that “most
students continue their graduate studies abroad, very few end up staying here; those are the
minority.” Additionally Dr. Afiouni speculates that “around 40% of the youth below the age of
25 are unable to find jobs”. Which is reflected in the fact that nearly 80% of the country is below
the poverty line. “The youth nowadays don't feel any hope that the situation is going to change,
unfortunately, the brain drain is a no-brainer to go abroad.”
Sources:
https://www.arabbarometer.org/2022/04/what-lebanese-citizens-think-about-migration/#:~:text=
Lebanon%20is%20also%20at%20risk,a%20secondary%20degree%20or%20less
https://beirut-today.com/2022/02/10/emigration-from-lebanon-jumps-by-446-percent-in-one-year
/amp/
By Nabiha Duaa
Distinguished figures from the MENA region have shaped the very essence of the knowledge we acquire at schools and universities today. The very establishment of education began in the depths of the Arab world with the founding of the first ever higher education institute, The University of Al Qarawiynn, by Fatima al-Fihri in 9 the century Morocco. Starting off as a higher-learning institute for non-vocational sciences and as a madrasa (an institute which is dedicated towards the study of Islamic jurisprudence), it excelled at propagating education despite not gaining formal recognition as a university until 1963. What this demonstrates is a simple fact: education is sacred and precious to the MENA region. The contributions the Arab world has made to different STEM fields are a testament to the value that it gives to education. Here are just a couple of Arab figures that have revolutionized different fields of education:
Muhammad Ibn Musa Al Khwarizmi: An eminent mathematician from Khwarazm (present day Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan) that completely redefined the systemic workings of algebra. While Al Khwarizmi did not invent algebra, he proposed new methodologies that are used till this day that allow problems to be solved more efficiently in contrast to traditional methods. His genius shone through when he proposed solving quadratic and linear algebraic equations using methods like completing the square, basing his techniques off principles of geometry, to make mathematics more accessible to the common man for the solving of problems like dividing up inheritance. He compiled all his work and coined the term “algebra” in his book Al-Kitab al-mukhtasar fihisab al-jabr wal-muqabala (Arabic for The Compendious Book on Calculation by Completion and Balancing).
The Banu Musa Brothers: These three brothers, hailing from 9 th century Baghdad, were leading mathematicians and astronomers of their time. Perhaps their most significant contributions, however, has been to the field of mechanical engineering. In their book, titled Book of Ingenious Devices, this trio came up with mechanical objects that we either have in our household currently or are important additions to machinery. Some of their inventions that they described are the funnel, double concentric siphons, valves like plug valve, float valve, taps from which we drink water, and differential pressure sensors.
Sameera Moussa: A strong female figure in the field of nuclear physics. Born in El Gharbia, Egypt, from a young age Moussa was interested in learning about nuclear technology after losing her mother to cancer. She aspired to have her work open doors to more affordable medical treatments, having been quoted stating that she wanted to make nuclear treatment “as available and as cheap as aspirin”. Alongside this venture, Moussa dedicated time to advocate for the peaceful use of nuclear technology. Attached to her passion, she refused to pursue a more stable career in engineering right out of secondary school, opting to join the Faculty of Science at Cairo University instead. Moussa went on to make extensive contributions to the study of X-rays and became the first assistant professor at the same faculty, first woman to hold a post as a lecturer at Cairo University, and the first woman to hold a PhD in atomic radiation.
Ahmed Hassan Zewail: The first Arab to win a Nobel Prize in a science category. Born in Damanhur, Egypt, Zewail’s breakthrough in laser technology led to the development of a whole new field of study in physical chemistry named femtochemistry. He developed an advanced rapid laser technique which allowed scientists to examine the dynamics of atoms a billion times faster through the development of the 4D electron microscope and gave them greater control over the potential outcomes of chemical reactions. His discovery can potentially change the future of medicine manufacture, the functioning of catalysts, the design of molecular electronic components and more. Many believed that studying the motion of atoms in reactions would be nothing but a dream, considering that reactions tend to last 10-100 femtoseconds (for reference, one femtosecond is 0.000000000000001 second, or 10 -15 ) yet Zewail’s keen sense of curiosity and determination made this dream a reality and has left a mark on the scientific world for eternity.
Sources:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Al-Khwarizmi
https://www.britannica.com/biography/al-Khwarizmi
https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/big-history-project/expansion-
interconnection/commerce-collective-learning/a/thank-you-for-algebra-muhammad-
ibn-musa-al-khwarizmi
https://islamsci.mcgill.ca/RASI/BEA/Banu_Musa_BEA.htm
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Book_of_Ingenious_Devices#:~:text=The%20double%2Dconcentr
ic%20siphon%20and,an%20early%20differential%20pressure%20sensor.
https://www.theguardian.com/science/2010/feb/01/islamic-science
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sameera_Moussa
https://www.middleeasteye.net/discover/arab-world-seven-female-icons
https://pubs.aip.org/physicstoday/online/9328/Sameera-Moussa-1917-52#
https://www.britannica.com/biography/Ahmed-Zewail
By Malahat Mammadova
Before we delve into the vast world of Islamic architecture, it is imperative to define what it is
and what aspects we will be examining within the article. The portrayal of spiritual elements
through architectural features characteristic of the place of worship will be at the centre of
this analysis, with an extensive focus on structural examples from the MENA region in particular.
Islamic architecture refers to different regional architectural styles developed by Muslims
over a vast geographical area following the emergence of the religion in the seventh century.
Subject to influences from existing styles, namely those of the Romans, Byzantines, and
Sassanids, Islamic architecture has developed its own unique traditions that serve as a
physical manifestation of the principles of Islam. While it is noteworthy to mention that this
style encompasses everything from fortresses, palaces, and madrasas to fountains and public baths,
the mosque remains the crown jewel of Islamic architecture.
The spatial design and architectural features within a mosque act as a microcosm of a wide
array of spiritual themes. The role of the mihrab as the central piece within a place of worship
encapsulates how conscious choices of design mirror religious concepts. The design of the mosque
emphasises directionality towards Mecca in Saudi Arabia by incorporating a semicircular niche in the
wall as a compass to indicate which direction must be faced during prayer. While mihrabs may range
in colour, architectural composition and the inclusion of script, the common theme that ties them all
together is that they all demonstrate the importance of worship to the Islamic faith.
Often placed on the axis of the mihrab, domes are another element
central to signifying religious aspects within a space of worship.
Reminiscent of the domes hovering over the throne rooms
of Persian kings, domes marked a symbolic representation
of the vault of heaven. In mosques with only a single dome,
it is invariably found surmounting the mihrab, signifying its
importance as the heart of the mosque. Depending on the
transfusion between location and religious themes, mosques
can have multiple domes. The Blue Mosque in Istanbul, Turkey,
is a fusion of Byzantine styles with traditional Islamic and
Ottoman elements, eccentrically stylised by multiple domes
submerged in holy inscriptions and rhythmic geometric patterns.
It goes without saying that the development of architectonic styles was supplemented
by a complex understanding of geometry that flourished during the Islamic Golden Age
and pioneered the use of ribbed vaulting. Although it was a pre-existing style, vaulting
was further refined and transformed into the unique
style known as muqarnas. Units of muqarnas were made of wood, stone, ceramics,
or stucco, and added a hint of three-dimensional surface articulation when highlighted
by sunlight. Commonly situated on the underside of domes above entrance gates,
these magnificent models of honeycomb-like construction greeted worshippers and
signaled their passage from the bustle and hustle of the outside world to the serene
and sacred place of worship. Due to their persuasive use as decorative installations
in both religious and secular buildings, muqarnas had become a staple feature
of Islamic architecture by the 12th century, most commonly found in North Africa,
Central Asia, and especially in Iran and Iraq.
In terms of detailed artistry, the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem became a reference
point for the next millennia of Islamic architecture following its construction in 691 AD.
Inspired by Byzantine churches and their octagonal plans of structure, the Dome
acted as an object mirroring the cross cultural exchange of architectonic features,
paving the way for the use of certain themes that would go on to become the
cornerstone of Islamic artistic tradition. One such example is the pictorial depiction
of gardens and calligraphic inscriptions on the surfaces of mosaic decoration.
This reverence for the practice of mosaic art, where pictures are geometric
and abstract rather than representational, reflects principles of the Muslim faith
in which representation art depicting the humna form is prohibited. Instead, mosques
are embellished with details of floral motifs, gold formations, calligraphy, and repeating
patterns. Similar themes can be found in the mosaic works on other prestigious religious
sites the world over, from Syria to Spain, including the Great Mosque in Damascus
and the Mosque-Cathedral in Cordoba. The use of stained glass to enhance the effects
of natural light was quite popular throughout the region due to the most populous cities
in all of Syria being centres of glass production where metallic stains were used to
give glass a distinctive sheen. The intricate geometrical designs on stained glass
windows allow light to act as the primary experiential dimension, as observed in the
Pink Mosque in Shiraz, Iran.
The structure wouldn’t be complete without support, and that support was constructed in the
form of columns, piers, and arches, organised and interwoven with alternating niches and colonnades.
Marvellous, multifoil arches were a style distinct to Moorish Iberia, immortalised within the
Mosque-Cathedral in Cordoba, Spain, that is now a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Its predecessor,
the pointed arch, was just as distinct and architecturally advantageous in that it allowed for thinner
pillars and higher ceilings, creating more open spaces within the building.
Once outside the mosque, one can’t help but glance at the colossal vertical structure that
greets passersby and worshipers-alike. A minaret is the towering spire that serves the integral
function of sounding the call to prayer, the adhān, five times a day. Aside from its practical function,
it also stands out as a visual marker for locating the mosque from afar. The position, location, and
shape of minarets vary in different cultural contexts. For instance, the Spiral Minaret adjacent to the
Great Mosque of Samarra in Iraq is one of the finest examples of early Islamic architecture.
However, its outward influence is limited to structures such as the renowned Ibn Talun Mosque
in Cairo, Egypt, given that it is more typical for minarets to have internal staircases instead.
Another unique element of the Samarra minaret is the fact that it is situated next to the mosque as
opposed to being attached to it. The Kairouan minaret in Tunisia, established in 670 AD, shows
how these towers of spiritual calling can be integrated into the core structure of the overall mosque.
The legacy of countless caliphates, cultures, and craftsmen has been immortalised in the halls,
arches and artistry of architectural sites throughout lands once or since inhabited by Muslims.
Understanding the history of seemingly simple structural features lays a groundwork for the
appreciation of artforms interwoven with religion, history and geometry.
Sources:
https://kuscholarworks.ku.edu/bitstream/handle/1808/30156/Islamic%20Architecture.pdf?isAllowed
=y&sequence=3
https://boisestate.pressbooks.pub/arthistory/chapter/early-islamic-art-and-architecture/
https://www.thespruce.com/what-is-islamic-architecture-5120474
https://boisestate.pressbooks.pub/arthistory/chapter/early-islamic-art-and-architecture/
https://www.icwa.org/the-battle-over-the-cordoba-mosque-cathedral-and-spanish-identity/
https://www.1001inventions.com/glass/
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1877042812031230
https://www.thecollector.com/islamic-architecture-characteristics/
https://arth27501sp2017.courses.bucknell.edu/directed-opulence-mihrabs-and-their-importan
ce-to-the-islamic-faith/
By Hamza Reedy
The Arab Spring, a historic wave of pro-democracy movements which swept through the Middle East
and North Africa in the early 2010s, left an indelible mark on the region's history. Characterised by
the demand for political reform, social justice, and the expansion of civil liberties, the Arab Spring
united millions across various nations in pursuit of a brighter future. It all began in Tunisia, where the
tragic self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor, in December 2010,
symbolised the frustration with corruption and abuse of power. Soon after, Egypt's tumultuous
journey towards democracy garnered global attention. The Egyptian revolution, reaching its zenith in
January 2011, with mass protests in Cairo's iconic Tahrir Square, aimed at toppling President Hosni
Mubarak's nearly three-decade rule. This pivotal moment not only marked Egypt's historic struggle
for democracy but also initiated a profound examination of the changes in democratic governance that
would follow. In this article, we delve into Egypt's intricate post-Arab Spring developments,
exploring the highs, lows, and enduring questions that continue to shape the nation's political
landscape today.
Egypt, a significant and influential country in the MENA region, played a central role in the Arab
Spring's unfolding narrative. The Egyptian revolution was emblematic of the people's yearning for
political change, setting the stage for a monumental shift in the nation's history. Their collective voice
grew louder and more determined, uniting in the call for a more democratic and inclusive government.
Mubarak's resignation on February 11 2011, marked the fall of a long-standing autocrat and a pivotal
moment in Egyptian history.
Following Mubarak's ousting, Egypt embarked on a path towards democracy. In the summer of 2012,
Egypt held its first-ever free presidential election. In June, Mohamed Morsi, a candidate from the
Freedom and Justice party, which was created through the Muslim Brotherhood, emerged as Egypt's
first democratically elected president. His victory was seen as a triumph for those who had longed for
a more representative government, and an end to authoritarian rule. Yet for others, it was seen as the
start of a rule highly immersed in Islamic influence.
The Muslim Brotherhood, founded in Egypt in 1928, is a prominent transnational Islamist
organisation that has historically advocated for Islamic governance, emphasising the implementation
of Sharia law and the promotion of Islamic values. In addition to its political and ideological goals,
the Muslim Brotherhood has also framed its activities as a fight for greater political freedom and
democracy in the countries where it operates. They have sought to participate in political processes,
and engage with electoral systems as part of their vision for a more representative government that
aligns with their Islamic principles.
Mohamed Morsi's presidency was not limited to domestic matters; he also engaged with Egypt's
neighbouring countries, contributing to the broader regional dynamics. Morsi had a friendlier stance
towards Gaza and the Palestinian resistance group Hamas, which is also ideologically affiliated with
the Muslim Brotherhood. He played a role in mediating between Hamas and Israel during periods of
conflict, notably during the November 2012 Gaza conflict. His government's policies aimed to ease
restrictions on the movement of goods and people between Egypt and Gaza, providing some relief to
the isolated Palestinian territory. He also enjoyed a close relationship with Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the
President of Turkiye. Both leaders shared political Islamist ideologies, and their cooperation extended
to regional issues, including the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. They jointly attempted to broker a
ceasefire between Israel and Hamas during Israel’s 2012 attacks on Gaza.
Moreover, Morsi was critical of the Syrian government led by Bashar al-Assad during the Syrian
Civil War. His government supported the Syrian opposition and called for international action against
the Assad regime. In one of his speeches, he waved the Syrian Revolutionary flag, in open defiance of
Assad’s government.
Whilst Morsi pursued foreign policy matters which aimed at establishing stronger regional ties, his
domestic policies faced challenges and allegations of deliberate sabotage. During Morsi's presidency,
there were accusations that the military, or entities within the government deliberately mishandled
critical resources like oil and electricity, to create unrest and undermine Morsi's government. It was
claimed that these actions were part of a larger strategy to delegitimize Morsi's government and pave
the way for its eventual demise.
There were reports of deliberate oil spillage and disruptions in the oil supply chain during Morsi's
presidency. These actions were alleged to be aimed at causing economic disruption and fueling public
dissatisfaction, adding to the challenges faced by the Morsi government. Similar accusations were
made regarding electricity outages during Morsi's rule. It was claimed that deliberate efforts were
made to create power shortages, contributing to public discontent. These allegations, while difficult to
substantiate definitively, added to the already complex political environment during Morsi's tenure,
further fueling protests and unrest.
During Mohamed Morsi's presidency he faced vigorous opposition from diverse factions within
society. The foremost critics included liberal and secular activists, such as Mohamed ElBaradei,
Hamdeen Sabahi, and Amr Moussa. They voiced apprehensions about Morsi's Islamist policies,
fearing they could curtail civil liberties and pluralism. Furthermore, the National Salvation Front
(NSF), a coalition of opposition parties, emerged as a prominent voice against Morsi's government,
highlighting concerns about economic mismanagement and divisive politics. The April 6th Youth
Movement, renowned for its pivotal role in the 2011 revolution, also opposed Morsi's rule, citing
concerns about political exclusion and a perceived power grab by the Muslim Brotherhood. These
opposition forces, representing a broad cross-section of Egyptian society, contributed significantly to
the political turmoil during Morsi's tenure and ultimately led to his removal from office in July 2013.
On the 30th of July 2013, the Egyptian military, under General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, staged a coup,
removing Morsi from power. The coup was justified under the premise that the country was
immensely unstable, yet many were critical, claiming that Morsi needed to be removed
democratically.
In the aftermath of the coup, General al-Sisi rose to power and became Egypt's president. His
government oversaw a crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood, as well as on secular activists,
journalists, and civil society organisations critical of the government. Political freedoms were
curtailed, and the security apparatus played a dominant role in governance.
One of the darkest moments during this period was the violent dispersal of the Rabaa al-Adawiya sitin,
known as the "Rabaa Massacre," which occurred on August 14, 2013. Almost 1000 people were
massacred. The security forces, acting on orders from the interim government, forcibly cleared the
protest in Cairo's Rabaa Square. Tragically, the operation resulted in a significant loss of life, raising
questions about the handling of dissent in Egypt- although the government continues to deny the
occurrence of a massacre to this day.
In the years that followed, Egypt held presidential and parliamentary elections. However, these
elections were marred by allegations of limited competition. Abdel Fattah al-Sisi emerged as the
victor in the presidential race and continued to lead Egypt, as the political landscape shifted towards a
more authoritarian direction. Mohamed Morsi died on June 17 2019, while in custody during a court
hearing. His death raised questions about his treatment and medical care while imprisoned, sparking
concerns over human rights and the conditions of his detention. Many people believe that he may
have been killed, and he has been referred to by some as a "martyr president," reflecting the polarised
views of his presidency and its impact on Egypt's political landscape.
Egypt has faced a complex and challenging journey since the presidency of Mohamed Morsi.
Following Morsi's removal from office in 2013, Egypt witnessed a period of political turbulence and
authoritarian rule under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi. While the government has maintained a
semblance of stability, it has come at the cost of shrinking political freedoms, a violent crackdown on
dissent, and a significant deterioration in human rights. The economy has also faced challenges, with
high inflation and unemployment rates affecting ordinary citizens. Despite these difficulties, the
Egyptian government maintains that it has made progress in infrastructure development and economic
reforms- yet more and more evidence can be accumulated to disprove any true improvement. Sisi’s
government has become notorious for its endless use of loans, and its crippling debt which threatens
to plunge the country into an even deeper economic crisis. The decline in political and civil liberties
remains a source of concern, raising questions about the country's path to democratisation, and its
long-term stability.
The aftermath of the Arab Spring in Egypt remains a contentious and highly debated chapter in the
nation's history. Differing perspectives on the legitimacy of Morsi's removal, the nature of the
transitional government, and the handling of protests and dissent continue to shape Egypt's political
landscape. Egypt's democratic journey, from the euphoric days of Tahrir Square to the turbulent
aftermath of the coup, is a poignant reminder of the complexities and challenges of establishing and
maintaining democracy in a region marked by political volatility and competing interests. The
allegations of sabotage during Morsi's presidency serve as a stark reminder of the intense political
divisions and struggles that have defined Egypt's post-Arab Spring trajectory.
Sources:
https://www.britannica.com/event/Arab-Spring
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2023/1/25/what-happened-during-egypts-january-25-
revolution
https://theweek.com/articles/462268/did-egypts-military-manufacture-economic-crisissabotage-
morsi
https://www.cato.org/commentary/ten-years-after-coup-us-still-supports-tyranny-egypt
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohamed_Morsi#:~:text=Morsi%20was%20sworn%20in%20o
n,resign%20on%2011%20February%202011.
https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/08/12/all-according-plan/raba-massacre-and-mass-killingsprotesters-
egypt
By Abdullah Khasawneh
The Levant, a region that has been the crossroad of the world’s biggest empires and the meeting point of continents and peoples. Since ancient times, its population has consisted of numerous heterogeneous ethnic and religious groups that have coexisted with each other in peace. The Levant (derived from the French word “lever” meaning to rise) is located in the eastern Mediterranean region of Western Asia. The Levant or Greater Syria, encompasses modern-day countries of Palestine, Syria, Lebanon and Jordan. Egypt and Iraq are usually included in the Levant region, but this is more of a 21st-century definition rather than a historic one. The Levant region is home to a range of different ethnic and religious groups. Trade routes through the ages, empires expanding their reach, and peoples travelling across lands all lent themselves to shaping the ethnic diversity still evident today within the Levant region. Situated where Asia, Europe, and Africa meet, the region has served since ancient times as a vital centre for the dynamic intermingling of diverse peoples and perspectives. While some groups have been present for millennia, others arrived more recently due to political changes and conflicts. Here is a more detailed summary of the major ethnic groups in the Levant and how they settled in the region:
Arabs:
The earliest mention of Arabs in the Levant is recorded around 800 BC. A notable Arab tribe with a recorded history in the Levant is the Nabataeans, who lived in northern Arabia and the southern Levant. They built the city of Petra, which was the capital and main trading hub for the Nabateans, from which they controlled the lucrative trade routes north to Damascus and west to Gaza. In the Levant region, most Arabs identify as Muslims with Sunni Islam being the major denomination. Christian communities do exist with Greek Orthodox, Armenian Orthodox and Maronites being the majority denomination. Many Christians in the Levant can trace their roots back to the earliest days of Christianity.
Kurds:
The Kurds are an Iranian ethnic group that is native to North Western Asia primarily inhabiting a mountainous region known as Kurdistan, which spans parts of present-day Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and Syria. The Kurds in Syria number 2.3 million people and the majority of Kurds in Syria are found in the North- East and North-West by cities such as Al-Hasakah and Afrin. The history of the Kurds is characterized by a struggle for cultural preservation and national identity, often in the face of political challenges and repression. Despite that, Kurdish people in Syria have played a vital role in the country’s politics, art, literature and sports scene.
Armenians:
The Armenian people have always had close contact with the Levant region dating back to 2000, even having a quarter named after them in Jerusalem (The Armenian Quarter). Armenian migration towards the Levant further increased after tensions rose between the Ottoman forces and Armenians between 1915 to 1917. This migration marked the end of more than 2000 years of Armenian presence in Eastern Anatolia. The majority of Armenian migrants settled in Syria and Lebanon with a small minority in Jordan and Palestine. Armenians in the Levant are now fully integrated members of the society influencing the food, art and politics of the region, even having 6 seats in the Lebanese parliament.
Circassians:
The Circassian people are indigenous North-West Caucasians which is in modern-day South Russia. As a consequence of the Circassian genocide, in which 95% of the people were ethnically cleansed ( 1 million dying and many more fleeing), many migrated to the lands of the Ottoman Empire, Greater Syria vilayet (modern-day Levant) to be specific. The largest community of Circassians found in the Levant is in Jordan where 250,000 Circassians reside. During the late 19th century, Ottoman rulers assigned lands to Circassians in Amman and its neighbouring areas. After more migration of Circassians in the early 20th century, the town of Amman grew rapidly after the construction of the Hejaz Railway. This brought investment from merchants coming from the West increasing Amman’s economy. As their numbers increased, the Circassians became a major power in the local area and several pacts were formed with the Bedouin tribes, including a mutual defence alliance in the late 1890s. Circassians make up 5% of the population of Amman and are usually represented significantly in Jordan’s parliament and executive branch.
Sources:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Circassian_genocide
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Circassians
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armenian_genocide
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Armenians_in_Lebanon
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_the_Kurds
https://www.cia.gov/the-worldfactbook/countries/syria/#people-and-society
https://www.cia.gov/the-worldfactbook/countries/jordan/#people-and-society
https://www.cia.gov/the-worldfactbook/countries/lebanon/#people-and-society
https://www.history.com/topics/ancient-middle-east/petra
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Levantine_Sea#
By Laila Moaz
Most, if not all, of you know of the story of Aladdin and the Magic Lamp. It’s the only Arab Folktale that Disney decided to focus on, albeit the fact that they did not present the story correctly. However, many do not know of the origin of this story, and where it was originally found.
In order to understand where the story of Aladdin came from, we must first learn the story of Shahrazad. The famous One Thousand and One Nights book (better known in the West as Arabian Nights) is a collection of Arabian tales told by Shahrazad every night to her murderous husband, King Shahryar. Shahrazad volunteered to marry the King, despite his ritual to behead innocent women, who he forced to marry him, at every dawn. King Shahryar began this custom upon discovering that his first wife was unfaithful to him, and decided to have her killed. Thus, as a form of revenge, he married other women only to have them beheaded at dawn. That was until Shahrazad volunteered to marry him.
On the first night, Shahrazad begins telling the King a story, but does not finish telling the tale when dawn breaks. Leaving the King at a cliffhanger, he always came back for more. It was her insurance to see another day.
Through Shahrazad, many myths and tales were born - one of them being Alaadin’s story, which we all know very well.
Here are other influential folklore stories which the MENA region knows and loves (maybe not today’s generation but I digress):
The Merchant and the Genie
Shahrazad’s first story!
This story follows, spoiler-alert (!), a merchant, who angered a powerful and temperamental genie by throwing a date at the stone where he resided. The genie (afrit in Arabic), threatened to kill the merchant for disturbing him.
The merchant begged for the genie to spare him, as he had a wife and children he could not leave behind, and so many debts and payments he couldn’t burden someone else with. He swore to the genie that he would willingly return in a year for the genie to then take his life, like he wants.
After spending the year paying his debts and preparing his family, the merchant returned to the genie. Before informing the genie of his arrival, he sat by the stone and cried.
Three old men saw him crying by the genie’s house, and asked why he would come near it to begin with. After the merchant explained, the genie came out.
The three old men plead with the genie, persuading him with the prospect of exciting stories that they could share with him. For each good story, 1/3rd of the merchant’s blood would be spared.
The three old men saved the merchant from the genie’s wrath.
The Thief of Alexanderia and the Chief of Police
One night, a soldier comes to Husameddin, the Chief of Police, and files a complaint regarding a purse which was stolen from him in the marketplace in Alexandria, Egypt.
Husameddin orders for everyone in the vicinity to be jailed until they find the thief which stole from the soldier. Just before he could begin his interrogations, one man steps forward.
The man declares himself as the thief of the purse, and pulls it out as proof that he was in possession of it. Shocked, the Chief grabs it from him and asks him to state how and when he stole the purse.
The thief starts by stating that he stole the purse from the soldier twice. Which leads to the Chief asking him to explain how he stole it two times. The soldier had been following the soldier since he was in Cairo, and watched him explore different markets within Cairo. While he was traveling to Alexandria, the thief watched the soldier sleep and snatched the purse from him.
Thinking the thief was trying to demonstrate how he snatched the purse, the Husameddin did not think twice when the purse ended up leaving his hands and back into the thief’s.
Having outsmarted the police officers, the thief ran away with the purse once again. This time, he was not found or caught.
Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves
Ali Baba was a poor woodcutter, who stumbled upon the forty thieves. As the thieves made their way to the cave, Ali Baba heard them say “Open, Sesame” for the cave to open up for them. They had hidden treasure and riches inside the secret cave which no one knew the code for.
Later, when no one was watching, Ali Baba stole the treasure and ran away it in order to live a prosperous life with his family
The thieves suspected Ali Baba and followed him by sneaking into his oil containers. His worker, upon seeing the thieves and suspecting them of their motive, spilled hot oil onto them. For this, Ali Baba was very grateful for her, and married her to his son.
They all lived well with the wealth which Ali Baba stole from the cave.
These are all examples of very well known Legends in the MENA region, but there are a few very important things to note:
The story of Sharazad and King Shahrayar is not real.
All the stories mentioned above, and many more written in the One Thousand and One Nights were tales which were usually told orally, but they were stored and discovered, translated and retold. Chances are you’ll find one written in your native language!
While these tales have major influence in the MENA region now, their origins are scattered in other parts of the world; such as India, Mongolia, Iran and Turkey. This is important to keep in mind in order to truly preserve the history of these tales
Sources:
https://interestingliterature.com/2022/02/best-arabian-nights-stories/
https://www.harpersbazaararabia.com/culture/arabian-folklore
https://www.britannica.com/topic/The-Thousand-and-One-Nights
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/One_Thousand_and_One_Nights
https://americanliterature.com/author/arabian-nights/short-story/ali-baba-and-the-forty-thieves
By Luca Schmit
The term MENA feels theoretically sound and straightforward. It almost seems like it has existed for centuries; for example, an OECD report stated that “For millennia the MENA region has contributed to the historical, scientific and cultural progress of humanity”. The MENA is generally viewed as a region with an apparent unity which spans a millennia. It is a term that is deceptively simple, combining the regions of the Middle East and North Africa into one, on the basis that they form a unified whole, with a shared history or some other element that binds them all together. However, the reality is not as straightforward. A discussion on what the MENA actually is as a space, and what binds it together occurs quickly leads to the realisation that the term MENA is not as clear as once thought, particularly when applied to such a vast historical timeframe.
Therefore, what actually unites the MENA region? What is it that makes it a cohesive realm of culture and identity? Digging beneath the surface reveals the complexity of such a question. One common answer, which MENA states themselves have used, is that they are united by ethnicity and/or religion. Out of the 20 or so MENA countries (excluding Iran and Turkey), comprising a population ranging from 500 to 578 million, the overwhelming majority of them are ethnically Arab; a semitic people originating from simple tribes within the peninsula. They played a significant role in the region before the 700’s, and then, with the rise of Islam, went on to become the major driving political force from Andalusia, all the way to the borderlands of India. Arabs have given the MENA region not only a dominant ethnicity, but also a shared language and unified culture. Thus, it is no wonder that Arab nationalism has played such a powerful role in modern MENA history.
Although this interplay continues to take on a prominent role in shaping the identity of the MENA region today, it is by no means the story in its entirety. The risk of using the Arab ethnicity as a defining element of MENA unity, is that it completely dilutes the incredible diversity within the Arab ethnicity and culture itself. Although Arabs share a language, they themselves proclaim that there are noticeable differences in Syrian Arabic, Egyptian Arabic or Arabic spoken in Libya or say Tunisia- where different countries have dialects which are affected by several factors. For example the Iraqi dialect is a blend of formal or fusha Arabic, and contains many words originating from Turkish and Persian, as well as the Ancient Babylonian language- which can make it a difficult dialect for fellow Arabic speakers to understand. The same applies to clothing, cuisine or any other aspect of culture.
Although the Arab ethnicity, and thereby the culture and identity it produces is a unifying force, we ought not to view it as a monolith. In doing so, we lose the intricacies which make Arab culture so dynamic- thus blinding us to the fascinating ways in which various different strands of Arab culture have both intermixed and conflicted with each other.
What about Islam then? Here we seemingly have an even stronger claim. Evidence suggests that a staggering 91.2% of people in the MENA adhere to some form of Islam. Like the Arab ethnicity, Islam inarguably continues to play a role in shaping, unifying and dividing what is now the MENA region. Historically this occurred through the spread of the religion and its values, stipulations and customs, which ultimately created a unified political and legal framework, which cultivated court and intellectual life, and established a Caliphate to rule it all. Economically, this took place by unleashing trade and exchange on an unprecedented scale. The interconnection that Islam created was so great that we should not forget that even in 1325, when the region was politically fragmented into dozens of competing Caliphates and Emirates, Ibn Battuta nonetheless embarked on a great journey through it, which he and every Muslim saw as a unified, integrated and coherent Islamic space- despite the political turmoil. The power of Islam as a source of identity, especially in creating an Ummah (Muslim World), should not be understated.
However, to quote the author and educator John Green: “the truth resists simplicity”. Just like in the case of Arab ethnicity, there is a risk of seeing Islam as a monolith. As is commonly understood, the Muslim population is unbelievably varied, not only encompassing the main split between Shia and Sunni Islam, but also including vast differences within those sects (ex. Ismaili school of thought). Additionally, these sectarian differences have historically been divisive and impactful. Sectarian disputes within Islam are largely responsible for the political disunity within the region; from the overthrow of the Rashidun Caliphate, the instability of Al-Andalus and its takeover by the Almoravids and subsequently the Almohads, and the establishment of the Ismaili Fatimid Caliphate. Today, this division is encompassed by the rise of Wahhabism and other conflicting schools of thought, and the tensions between modern political Islamism and other movements such as secular Pan-Arabism.
This is the problem with being too hegemonic with our terms, and in trying to make them fit into such a broad and diverse region. When we choose the Arab ethnicity or Islam as the defining characteristic of the MENA region, we face the real danger of excluding and erasing, implicitly or explicitly, the role that ethnic and religious minorities have played in MENA history. If the MENA is made into an exclusively Arab or Islamic space, it comes at the cost of the experiences and stories of about 30-40 million Kurds, 36 million Amazigh/Berbers, 5-20 million Copts, 8-16 million Armenians, 10 million Balochis, 3.3-5 million Assyrians, 4.6 million Mizrahi Jews, 800,000-2 million Druze and any other group that does not fit into a hegemonic Arab-Islamic idea of the MENA region (these numbers vary immensely depending on how groups are classified and whether or not we include diasporas). That is why we ought to always be careful in being too absolutist with our definitions and realise just how fluid, dynamic and diverse the concept of the MENA has been.
A final argument which is rather pertinent, is that the MENA region is united by a shared geography and climate, a unity only further reinforced by an escalating climate crisis. The vast majority of the MENA is classified as arid desert, and extreme weather events such as floods, earthquakes, droughts and heatwaves serve as an ever growing force which impacts many people in the region today. By viewing the MENA as a climatic whole, we may be able to develop novel and cooperative solutions to the problems posed by climate change, which could significantly encourage MENA states into collaborating on new forms of exchange. However, there are some important questions raised by such a category. If climate has become the prime mover in MENA history, was it not so in the past? Does this therefore mean that the MENA hasn’t been a unified place until quite recently? What about areas in the MENA that don’t fit the classification of arid desert?
Furthermore, although MENA countries share similar climates, due to historically different political and economic developments, they will handle these worsening challenges in equally different ways. Even within states, strategies and outcomes will be different; a flood affects a Libyan farmer differently than it does a Libyan doctor living in a city. Additionally, couching the debate and problem-solving of the climate crisis in highly regional terms is to some extent limiting or self-selecting. Although there are shared regional concerns, it does steer us away from finding a truly global solution to the global problem that climate change represents. It also partially fuzzies the dynamics of climate inequality between the global north and the global south, where the global south is disproportionately affected by climate change. Identifying regional similarities and proposals for climate action will be a part of the solution to climate change, but it cannot be the whole solution.
So then, given everything we have just looked at we are left rather frustrated. If it's not ethnicity, religion, history or climate, then what is it? What actually unites the MENA region, what is the element that truly encompasses it all? This leads me to my personal answer. Simply put, there isn’t one. To be a little more precise, the concept of the MENA is just that, merely a concept, a social construct shaped by a multitude of forces, a construction which the people of the MENA are in a constant and never-ending process of making. By admitting that it is a construct we are by no means diminishing or mocking the concept of the MENA. In fact we are arguably praising and emphasising it. We are acknowledging that the MENA is the product of active effort, of deliberate and earnest attempts by its people to understand and give meaning to the space they inhabit. The fact that its people have deliberately chosen to build and defend this construct makes it carry all the more weight. Furthermore, In doing so we also acknowledge that the MENA, like any other concept, is only as useful as far as we can throw it, that no concept is absolute, static or universal, and that the only way the MENA can endure is through constant development and re-invention, which it has experienced since its inception.
Sources -
Middle East and North Africa - Wikipedia
United Nations Regional Groups - Wikipedia
THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA
Population, total - Middle East & North Africa
Middle East and North Africa: Youth Facts | Youthpolicy.org
Middle East-North Africa Overview | Pew Research Center
Arab | Description, History, & Facts | Britannica
The origin of Arabs: Middle Eastern ethnicity and myth-making
A Short History of the Middle Ages - Barbara H. Rosenwein
Copts-Wikipedia
WhoaretheAssyrians?—AACO
Kurds-Wikipedia
IbnBattuta|Biography,History,Travels,&Map|Britannica
MizrahiJews-Wikipedia
Druze-Wikipedia
AssyrianPeople-Wikipedia
Armenians-Wikipedia
Balochpeople-Wikipedia
AbolitionoftheCaliphate-Wikipedia
TheTurkishCentury|FromHittitestoAtatürk
TheTurkishCentury|TheJourneyoftheRepublic
Berbers-Wikipedia
Ummah-Wikipedia