2-E-2 生老留離之際的家庭

           Essentially, the legalisation of same-sex marriage is an extremely geographically uneven issue. Beyond that, it is also an issue at the core of sexual politics, moving very slowly. Since the Netherlands became the first country to legalise same-sex marriage in 2001, there are currently only 36 countries (regions) in the world that allow same-sex marriage. Asia has made progress towards legalising same-sex marriage, such as the proposing bills and the victory of lawsuits, including cases in Japan, Thailand and Hong Kong. Nevertheless, as of now, Taiwan is still the first in 2019 and the only Asian country to legalise same-sex marriage. Even so, it does not mean that after Taiwan legalises same-sex marriage, same-sex couples are entitled to the same marriage rights as heterosexual couples. Regarding the right to marry for transnational same-sex couples, with the continuous petition and campaign of transnational same-sex couples and the assistance of NGOs, including the influential victory of five lawsuits, the Taiwan government finally opened the door to transnational same-sex couples in January 2023. Nevertheless, even when it seems that same-sex marriage rights have reached equality, there is still a very small number of same-sex couples who are still excluded from the right to marry after five years of legalisation of same-sex marriage, namely Taiwanese-Chinese same-sex couples. The exclusion is generally attributed to the politically hostile relations between Taiwan and China. Nevertheless, bizarrely and ironically, Taiwanese-Chinese heterosexual couples continue to be entitled to their marriage without hindrance. By saying this, some questions unavoidably arise: are Taiwanese-Chinese same-sex couples considered more unfaithful or dangerous to Taiwanese society than their heterosexual counterparts? Has sexual citizenship been recognised equally by the Taiwanese government? If not, why? How does this status quo affect Taiwanese-Chinese same-sex couples’ everyday lives? This paper highlights the cost and loss of Taiwanese-Chinese same-sex couples due to the State’s ambiguously slow acts to ensure equal rights for all people in Taiwan.

關鍵字：same-sex marriage, transnational marriage, sexual citizenship, precarity, waiting

         本文將講述我的伯父是如何從「死的家人」轉為「活的親屬」的故事。

         隨著當代親屬理論的轉向，血緣上的連結已非作為親屬的必備要件，關係性、親密性等反倒成為更重要的構成要件。本文談及之「親屬」亦非先驗，而是透過在中華民國行政法律、漢人喪葬儀式與情感經驗（affective experience）中的「實作」來「再次成為親屬」（re-becoming kin）。隨著實作的進行，親屬間的連接被反覆加固。最終，伯姪間的親屬關係，逐漸成為了確信的事實。我的伯父，也從一個「過世」的家人，成為了一位「活著」的親屬，在家庭的系譜與回憶中重新確立了他的位置。

         為勾勒親屬再造中複雜與幽微的情感經驗和實踐過程，本文意欲嘗試使用實驗性文學民族誌的取俓，企圖讓本篇會議論文，如Deleuze所言，將成為的過程彈射（catapult）為情感和感知，結合為感覺塊（blocks of sensation）。同時，本文也意欲與David Schneider 的新親屬理論對話，相對於其認為在歐美的文化邏輯中，死者僅具有親屬的「半地位」；在此例中，「死」反倒成為了親屬再造的轉捩點。

關鍵字：漢人親屬、親屬再造、實踐親屬、文學民族誌

          筆者家族位於苗栗縣後龍鎮埔頂里。古厝上供奉三個祖先牌位，包括銀同林氏、銀同李氏，以及清溪林氏（皆為泉州）。筆者自小習以為常，直到長大才發現此現象較為特殊。本文以此作為研究問題，透過神主牌、族譜、日治時期戶籍謄本、長輩口述、墓碑、鄉鎮誌等材料，展開對自身家族史之溯源探究。

         研究發現，銀同林氏（祖父之姓氏），根據家族自編之《林氏族譜》，林家源自於中國大陸泉州之銀同（現稱同安），現居於後龍鎮後壁厝。筆者為來臺第十代，而來臺祖於乾隆6年（1741 年）遷徙至臺，距今近三百年。銀同李氏（祖母之姓氏），祖母招贅祖父。祖母自身之李家，另有清溪林氏之祖先牌位（埔頂林家）。考察日治時期戶籍謄本等資料，並沒有發現林氏宗親，而透過長輩口述，才得知李家並不具有清溪林家之血緣關係，而之所以供奉林氏祖先牌位，乃因李家繼承林家財產有關。

        透過此研究，釐清了筆者家族之所以有三個神祖牌之原因（招贅、財產繼承）。透過各種材料交叉比對，追溯了自身家族史之淵源。作為一位後龍人，本文的個案研究，對於後龍人的遷徙可提供一個案例，亦可以瞭解過往招贅、繼承財產之情形。此外，筆者家族皆源自於泉州，亦可應證在語言學研究上後龍的閩南語屬於偏泉腔方言。

關鍵字：神祖牌、後龍、泉州、日治時期戶籍謄本、族譜

         Social and psychological factors both have an impact on the idea of wisdom in old age, which is complex and varied. Self-development, adaptation, and the ability to contribute to society are all interconnected in this concept. The capacity to match one's passions and abilities is what makes it unique (Wink, 2016). Wisdom is also linked to a profound and long-lasting inquisitiveness, which promotes ongoing learning throughout an individual's lifetime (Rathunde, 1995). While it shares certain similarities with intellect, it sets itself apart by focusing on human nature and the consequences of actions (Clayton, 1983). Wisdom is obtained and cultivated through the process of receiving guidance, obtaining information, gaining experience, following moral norms, the passage of time, and developing compassionate connections (Montgomery, 2002). To age properly, it is necessary to prepare for both physical and social decline (Ardelt, 2000). However, there is a clear lack of excitement for activities that encourage wisdom, suggesting a need for programming that attempts to cultivate wisdom (Trowbridge, 2007). The social situations experienced during early adulthood significantly influence an individual's knowledge in later life, subsequently impacting their family relationships, physical well-being, and overall life satisfaction (Ardelt, 2000).

       Nevertheless, the present state of ageing research frequently disregards these Eastern beliefs and ideas. Therefore, there is a significant lack of comprehension of the importance of gradual ageing and the provision of care for the elderly in Eastern cultural settings. Hence, it is crucial to utilise anthropological approaches to explore the intricacies of Eastern cultural values related to ageing and eldercare. These study efforts can help close the divide by providing a more profound understanding of the beliefs and behaviours related to ageing and eldercare in Eastern countries. In the end, this comprehensive knowledge can improve and enrich Eastern cultures' support networks for the well-being and health of their senior citizens.

關鍵字：ageing, wisdom, ethnographic method