The International Symposium Series on Transformative Ideas in a Changing World
THE INTERNATIONALIZATION
OF DEMOCRACY
THE INTERNATIONALIZATION
OF DEMOCRACY
The International Symposia on Transformative Ideas in a Changing World is a series of meetings of academicians and practitioners held every other year and organized by the Faculty of Philosophy of Widya Mandala Catholic University Surabaya. This year's theme is The Internationalization of Democracy. It will be held on the 10th to the 11th of May 2024.
Not too far back in the past, Democracy has always been associated with the transition of societies from kingdoms to states. The 1776 American Revolution and the 1789 French Revolution triggered a world-wide desire of change from being ruled by a monarch to a political system where the people rule themselves, that is, a democracy.
For decades, these independent nations were able to function more or less autonomously from one another. Indeed, there were issues on which they had to agree in order to live harmoniously. In recent times, however, there have been increasingly more signs of the need for the world to be functioning, no longer strictly as independent nations that tend to isolate themselves from the others, but as a system of nations that cooperate internationally in order to achieve a shared common good.
It all started with more frequent and immediate contact between people who are hundreds of miles from one another through the increased availability of access to the internet. This was followed by greater possibilities of visiting places that were once too far away but are now reachable because of the affordability of international transport. The increased intercommunication and interaction eventually opened the doors to financial interdependence via economic globalization.
These three factors paved the way to the appearance of events which, in the past, would have had only local repercussions but which now clearly affect and involve the whole world.
The war between Ukraine and Russia and between Israel and the Hamas are clearly in need of a world-wide agreement in order to reach a resolution. An agreement leading towards peace cannot be attained without the intervention of other countries. Of course, the need for the intervention of other countries was also needed before as in the case of the end of the First and Second World Wars. However, in the past, there was a tendency for more powerful nations to take a dominant role. The lopsidedness in the taking of decisions then was very apparent in favor of the stronger states. Now, on the other hand, the process of making decision is more dialogic, with an effort not to belittle the opinion of all the other countries affected by the war. The participation of many other countries other than the United States and Britain, especially the member countries of NATO, are more important now than it was in the past.
When it comes to the conflict between Hamas and Israel, we all know that Israel is not a pushover. Israel has always been more than ready to defend itself and repel any attach on its sovereignty. And yet, even as Israel independently decide to go to was with the Hamas, it still sees the need to call out to the other nations for support. They know now that the international acceptability of their claim is an indispensable requirement for true and lasting success. Netanyahu implicitly asks for worldwide approval with these words: “The world must unite to overcome Hamas. Our war is your war. If we don’t unite all together, it will happen to you.” (France 24, 2023).
In another part of the world, conflict is already brewing between a military giant and a defenseless nation. China unilaterally made a decision to construct facilities on some islands in the South China Sea claiming that, historically-speaking, those islands belong to them. But history also clearly shows that those islands are under dispute, so China cannot really categorically say that history is in their favor. The move has been seen by the Philippines as a threat and, because of this, the nation has sought international intervention to support their claim of sovereignty over those same islands based on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Medina, 2017), an agreement ratified by the member nations in the year 1985.
But words will not be enough to stop a stronger nation from desisting from its proud claim. Once that resolution was made in favor of the Philippines, the United States took that as reason enough to come to the rescue of their ally, the Philippines (US Department of State, 2022), in order to uphold the internationally-supported decision.
In the United States 2016 elections, which Donald Trump won, there were accusations that Russia was attempting swing the votes in Trump’s favor by hacking information about the Democrats and releasing them to the public, so that the Democrats, especially the then Democrat presidential candidate Hillary Clinton, can be discredited (Arkin, Dilanian and McFadden, 2016). The use of such means to win an election is not internationally palatable, but it seems they are effective enough to procure a victory for the one who used such procedures.
This goes to show that the once defendable democratic processes, such as national elections, can no longer be completely safe from outside intervention. Of course, external pressure has always been a possibility, but probably not as brash and as effective an intervention as could be achieved now. In the past, it was not possible to assail national elections through “information bombardment” [some true, some false, some misleading] as could be done nowadays through the Internet and especially through social media.
Use of social media in order to win the presidential election was also ascribed to Ferdinand Marcos, Jr, son of the former dictator president of the Philippines, who was ousted from power in 1986 through a People Power revolution. A Social Media Power revolution has now made it possible for a Marcos family comeback in 2022. The win in spite of the refusal to participate in presidential debates prior to his election has really proven to the world the power that Social Media has.
As Indonesia prepares for the 2024 presidential elections, both national and international press agencies have noted how the Prabowo-Gibran team has also taken to social media in order to win the hearts of the millennials who seem to employ these media as their primary source of information. The Guardian points out how this approach in the campaign has successfully transformed Prabowo’s image from that of a military leader to “a harmless grandpa” (The Guardian, 2024). It is rumored that the same campaign social media team used by Marcos, Jr in the Philippines is being used by Prabowo in his own campaign.
While refraining from making immediate conclusions on the legitimacy of the Marcos and Prabowo campaigns, at least in the case of Trump we could already infer that undue external influence on a democratic process taking place in nation is probably best protected via international scrutiny and intervention. This, too, requires the internationalization of democracy.
Former Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte has acquired international disrepute because of his harsh and brutal campaign against the drug problem in the Philippines (De Guzman, 2023). Murder and assassination have been purportedly used in order to try to achieve the goal. It is quite doubtful whether his approach has actually resolved the problem. In the meantime, so many people have died in its wake.
Now that he is no longer president, there is internal and external pressure to hand him over to the international courts to be tried. The current president, Ferdinand Marcos, Jr., refuses to do this. He questions the jurisdiction of the international court, the ICC, over this case.
The entire issue brings to focus the constant need to uphold justice not only locally but also internationally. The entire idea of declaring some crimes as “crimes against humanity” zeroes in on the fact that such crimes are always crimes wherever in the world they may be committed and whoever may be the person who commits them. Crimes against humanity are not only a local concern but an international concern. Allowing the occurrence of such crimes in one place cannot not have repercussions in other places around the world.
This is another example where the instruments of international democracy will be needed.
Pope Francis points out the inability of current international institutions to address issues of international import in the documents Lodato Si, Fratelli Tutti and now Laudate Deum. While these three documents primarily center around the need to address global environmental issues, at certain points, he clearly states the need for effective international cooperation to face and resolve these problems. He specifically calls for a multilateralism which, without establishing an overarching governmental structure, various organizations can be empowered to establish effective international cooperation to address the problems we globally face regarding the environment (Pope Francis, 2023).
This international coordination and cooperation proposed as multilaterism, has clear democratic undertones, and the dialogue that will be required will be democratic in flavor. This, too, can be taken as a sign that an internationalized type of democracy can be seen looming in the horizon.
The issues enumerated above seem to call for the internationalization of democracy. At the same time, we note that academic literature on this topic is still fraught with debates on whether an internationalized democracy is needed or whether it is even possible. While for some this uncertainty may be the cause for frustration, we in the Faculty of Philosophy at the Widya Mandala Surabaya Catholic University (WMSCU) see this as an opportunity and as a task at hand. The signs for the need for an internationalized type of democracy is a call for the thinkers of the world to wrack their brains in search of an acceptable solution.
For this very reason, WMSCU has thought it right, just and opportune to organize an international symposium on “The Internationalization of Democracy” for the year 2024. This symposium intends to reflect on: (1) what internationalize democracy is; (2) whether it is the right path to take; (3) whether it is even possible; and (4) what are the challenges that the world will have to face in case this indeed is the direction in which the world is heading. For this event, the WMSCU Faculty of Philosophy invites academicians, experts, and practitioners to discuss the various issues involving the internationalization of democracy and to propose recommendations on how it can be achieved, in case it is indeed envisioned as the future scenario for the world.
In order to give some structure to the discussions, the theme of the symposium has been divided into four main topics with several sub-topics under them, as depicted in this chart:
One of the ways by which we can depict the internationalization of democracy is the transformation of the former ‘nationalistic’ type of democracy to a globalized one (i.e., not only from the point of view of economy but in all aspects of a democratic society). This requires the establishment of international institutions, procedures and processes that we usually find in a democratic country.
Universal participation is one of the basic tenets of democracy and establishing this will require finding mechanisms that will not only work for one nation or for just a group of people but mechanisms that will work for the entire family of nations and for all the citizens of the world.
Paying attention to the institutions, procedures and process that may be required, as stated above, we have identified several topics that may have to be studied in order to determine the need or the feasibility of establishing an internationalized democracy. They are: Education, Politics and Economics, Culture and the Empowerment of Minorities.
The discussions revolving around the election of the son of the former dictator, Ferdinand Marcos, Jr., as the president of the Philippines and the possible election of Prabowo as the next president of Indonesia have brought to the fore the importance of having sufficiently educated people (demos) who could correctly elect the best person to lead the nation. Those who think that Marcos and Prabowo are not the right choice, have attributed the flawed decision of the masses to the lack of proper education.
The education of the people seems to be an important element in the establishment of national democracy and it will probably also be a requirement for the establishment of international democracy. What type of education and how it will have to be given to the people would be important considerations in the establishment of international democracy.
As can be seen from Pope Francis’ proposal on multilateralism, authors are deliberating on the issue of whether the internationalization of democracy will require the setting up of an overarching governmental structure that will democratically rule the entire world. Most authors think that such an overarching structure will be necessary. Pope Francis, along with some others, thinks otherwise. This latter group sees so many obstacles and difficulties in establishing a government over such a large area of rule.
The need for a political system that covers the entire world will certainly require much debate and this is one topic that would be quite interesting for this symposium.
Closely related to this political structure is the economic system that will have to be put in place. Globalization has in some way anticipated this need with its international agreements on trade. But we are not certain if the present globalized system is appropriate for an internationally democratic world. The present system also clearly has its flaws. There are accusations of how the more economically powerful countries tend to bully the less powerful ones in order to gain advantages. The present system is a system involving independent nations with different or even conflicting goals. An internationally democratic economic system will have to work in a different way.
As an example of the difficulty of unifying economic systems, we find the case of Brexit. Britain keep on seeing economic disadvantages for them if they continue to be part of the European Union. For the United Kingdom, the only way they can avoid these difficulties is to leave the Union.
Thus, both the political and economic aspects of establishing a globalized democracy will provide much food for thought. These two aspects will probably be always intimately involved in any discussion about having a globalized democracy.
The internationalization of democracy (IoD) is grounded in a culture of inclusivity. Within the IoD, there is a recognition and affirmation of distinct cultural identities, and a commitment to honoring diverse traditions and beliefs within the democratic framework. At its core, the IoD is built upon the foundation of multiculturalism, which advocates for the accommodation of specific collective or group-differentiated rights. Notably, contemporary liberal democracies are increasingly acknowledging and emphasizing these group-differentiated rights. Nevertheless, the multicultural perspective faces several challenges, including what should we do if the group rights come into conflict with individual rights? From a multicultural standpoint, can democracy permit minority groups to restrict the individual rights of their members?
The IoD concept resides at the intersection of two opposing forces: universality and particularity. The Internalization of democracy aligns itself with universal principles and appears to reject the idea of regionalization that is often associated with particularity. While the IoD transcends geographical and cultural boundaries through the use of technology and global policies, regionalism places emphasis on these spatial borders, both in terms of geography and culture. It is important to note that IoD does not advocate for the complete erasure of territorial boundaries, as human existence is inherently tied to specific temporal and spatial contexts. In the realm of the IoD, individuals do not forfeit their unique identities; rather, they have the opportunity to express and preserve these identities within the globalized world. This section addresses the challenge of constructing an internationalized democracy that avoids the pitfalls of regionalism while safeguarding individual identities.
The concept of the Internationalization of Democracy (IoD) represents a different approach from the conventional understanding of globalization. It does not entail the domination of economic, political, and cultural spheres by a single entity. Furthermore, the IoD rejects the idea of universalization and uniformity, emphasizing the importance of minority voices. In fact, minorities play a pivotal role within the internationalization of democracy, ensuring that democracy is truly inclusive and representative.
National democracies often grapple with the issue of marginalized groups, including children and women, persons with disabilities (PwD), indigenous communities, and religious minorities. These groups frequently find themselves voiceless within traditional democratic systems due to their limited numbers or lack of dominance. Unfortunately, indigenous communities and individuals with disabilities are sometimes dismissed as uneducated or deemed unfit to engage in democratic discourse. Additionally, minorities are often left with no option but to have their voices represented by others who are considered experts in their respective fields. For instance, in democratic process, people with disabilities are often represented by "professionalized experts." The problem of this kind of representation is it fosters a "monological" rather than a "dialogical" discourse, where minorities have no opportunity to engage in meaningful discussions and to ensure that their interests are adequately represented.
The core aim of the Internationalization of Democracy is to empower minorities and enable them to speak for themselves. It recognizes the importance of granting minorities the agency to express their opinions and actively participate in democratic processes. In doing so, the IoD addresses the historical imbalances that have silenced marginalized groups and relegates them to the periphery of democratic dialogue. This section delves into the strategies through which the empowerment of minorities can be achieved within the context of international democracy.